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³ Hanning, R., The Vision of History in Early Britain (New York 1966) 6.Google Scholar

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⁶ Mommsen, T., Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Ithaca 1959) 268–269, 277–284.Google Scholar

⁷ Eusebius, , History of the Church (Harmondsworth 1965) 381ff.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Example cited by Hanning, , Vision 67.Google Scholar

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¹³ Lactantius, , PL 6.808–811; Commodianus, Instructiones (ed. Dombart, , CSEL 15.53–61); Carmen apologeticum (CSEL 15.175–180).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Irenaeus, , Adversus haereses , PG 7.1210; for the present translation, see Cohn, N., The Pursuit of the Millennium (London 1957) 11.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cohn, , Millennium 8–9.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Brown, P., ‘Saint Augustine’ in Trends in Medieval Political Thought, ed. Smalley, B. (Oxford 1965) 11. See also his Augustine of Hippo (London 1967) 156, 296–297.Google Scholar

¹⁷ De civitate Dei 19.27 (ed. Welldon, J., London 1924, p. 446).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid. 22.30 (646 Welldon). See Luneau, A., L'Histoire du salut chez les Pères de l'Église (Paris 1964) 35–52, on the pre-Augustinian origins of the Seven Ages.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Hanning, , Vision 42.Google Scholar

²⁰ Alexander, P., ‘Byzantium and the Migration of Literary Works and Motifs,’ Medievalia et Humanistica n.s. 2 (1971) 60. The following account summarises Alexander's main points.Google Scholar

²¹ On the Tiburtine Sibyl, see Alexander, P., The Oracle of Baalbek (Dumbarton Oaks 1967); Sackur, E., Sibyllinische Texte u. Forschung. Pseudo-Methodius, Adso u. die tiburtinische Sibylle (Halle 1898) 177–187. See also Rangheri, M., ‘La Epistola ad Gerbergam reginam de ortu et tempore Antichristi di Adsone di Montier-en-Der e le sue fonti,’ Studi Medievali 3rd ser. 14 (1973) 708–709 n. 79, 710 n. 85, where he argues that the version of the myth in the Tiburtine Sibyl's oracle could not have been derived from the pseudo-Methodius text.Google Scholar

²² MGH SS 11.604–605, 617, 668–669.Google Scholar

²³ Cohn, , Millennium 54–58. See also the unpublished thesis of A. Hounam, University of London.Google Scholar

²⁴ Otto of Freising, Gesta Friderici imperatoris ed. Waitz, G. (Hanover 1884) 8; Godfrey of Viterbo, MGH SS 22.145–147, 376.Google Scholar

²⁵ Lerner, , ‘Refreshment of the Saints’ 102.Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid. 101, 116–117, 143–144.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid. 109.Google Scholar

²⁸ Three examples may be cited. (a) In his commentary on the Song of Songs Honorius uses the Pauline figure of the body and its members, equating the eyes to apostles, ears to monks, nose to ‘magistri,’ mouth to priests (presbyteri), hands to knights, and feet to ‘rustici’; compare Joachim's figure of the Dispositio novi ordinis (Lib. fig. plate 12), where the same pattern is used with a different equation of members to orders. (b) In Book III of Honorius’ Gemma animae the liturgical year of the Church is interpreted as symbolising the pilgrimage of the individual soul and also of the Church from this life to the next. Joachim's figure of the Mysterium ecclesiae (Lib. fig. plate 19) is more complex, relating the liturgical year to the ages of history and the three status, but there is a similarity of concept; compare in particular Honorius’ comment ‘Per tempus a Septuagesima usque ad Pascha alleluia intermittitur; nos exprimit, qui hic in labore et tristitia relinquimur’ with Joachim's ‘a prima hebdomada qui intitulatur LXX omittimus cantare canticum Domini quod est Alleluia, et pro eo utimur tractu qui est carmen doloris. Quia quando in primo parente ejecti scimus de paradiso et pervenimus ad vallem lacrimarum tunc omisimus cantare canticum Domini eo quod esse cepimus in terra aliena.’ (c) In his exposition of the Psalms Honorius interprets the forma of the psaltery as follows: its form represents the novus homo in Christ; its triangularity stands for the Trinity; its ten strings are the decalogue. In his early exposition of this figure Joachim makes precisely the same points (Psalterium decem chordarum, ed. Venice 1527 [hereafter Psalt.] fols. 230^rff.), although later he develops the symbolism of the strings in an original way (see Figurae 55–59, 201–206). All these derive from a common stock of symbolic interpretation, and so the influence of Honorius cannot be proved but taken together they suggest its likelihood.Google Scholar

²⁹ Honorius of Autun, Selectorum psalmorum expositio, PL 172.273–274.Google Scholar

³⁰ Gemma animae, PL 172.559–560.Google Scholar

³¹ Ibid. 615–626.Google Scholar

³² Cf. Bischoff, G., ‘Early Premonstratensian Eschatology: The Apocalyptic Myth’ in The Spirituality of Western Christendom, ed. Elder, E. R. (Kalamazoo 1976) 54, on Eberwin of Steinfeld's interpretation of the wine jars at the marriage of Cana: ‘The time of the Church is now divided into the six ages, symbolized by the six jars of Cana, because the Church exists in historical time and therefore such historical existence is significant. The timeless unity and homogeneity of the Church's existence have clearly become a problem. Change is now perceived within this existence.’Google Scholar

³³ Lerner, , ‘Refreshment of the Saints’ 111.Google Scholar

³⁴ Gemma animae, PL 172.679.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ibid. 627.Google Scholar

³⁶ Expositio in Cantica Canticorum 7.11–13 (PL 172.471–472).Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid. 472.Google Scholar

³⁸ De sacramentis Christiane fidei, PL 176.312–313.Google Scholar

³⁹ De arca Noe mystica, PL 176.688–690.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ De tripartite tabernaculo, PL 198.691–692.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ibid. 692.Google Scholar

⁴² De quarta vigilia noctis, MGH SS Libelli de lite 3.508–525.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid. 509.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid. 513.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ibid. 514.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ De investigatione Antichristi, MGH SS Libelli de lite 3.352; Commentarius in Psalmum LXIV ibid. 467. This has been interpreted as foreshadowing the idea of the Angelic Pope; see below, p. 305.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Dialogi, PL 188.1141–1142.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid. 1143–1144.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid. 1149.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid. 1160.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ibid. 1149–1159.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid. 1159.Google Scholar

⁵³ De Trinitate et operibus ejus libri XLII, PL 167.198–199.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid. 199.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid. 1571ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid. 1763.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Lib. fig. plate 13.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ De Trinitate, PL 167.1567.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Bischoff, G., ‘Early Premonstratensian Eschatology’ 53: ‘The augustinian concept of history attached no significance to history after Christ’; p. 54: ‘Augustine's perception of the punctual, hence undifferentiated unity of the Church's existence has yielded to a view that detects movement.’Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid. 54.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid. 59. Among earlier writers, Primasius, Bede, and Haymo had approached the idea of interpreting the opening of the seven seals in the Apocalypse as symbolising periods in the Church's history, but their interpretations are in general and moralistic terms, with few specific historical applications.Google Scholar

⁶² Ibid. 67.Google Scholar

⁶³ Scivias sive visionum ac revelationum libri tres, PL 197.713–715; Liber divinarum operum simplicis hominis, ibid. 1020.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid. 722, 1022, 1036.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid. 715. Bede had seen the ‘silence’ at the opening of the seventh seal in the Apocalypse as a period of repose for the Church after Antichrist, but apparently did not identify this with the great Seventh Day; cf. Explanatio Apocalipsis, PL 93.154 with Liber de temporibus maior sive de temporum ratione, ed. Jones, C. W. (Cambridge, Mass. 1943) 202.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Grundmann, Herbert Professor had planned a critical edition of the Liber concordie, a task which Professor Randolph Daniel, E. has now taken up. The Expositio in Apocalypsim and Psalterium decem chordarum are equally in need of modern editions.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See n. 28. Another quite common example is the use of Peter and John as types of the orders of clergy and monks. See, for instance, the Scutum canonicorum of Arno of Reichersberg (PL 194.521–523), who thus interprets the episode, so beloved of Joachim, of the two disciples running to the Sepulchre; but significantly he does not come anywhere near Joachim's striking but dangerous deduction from the time sequence that the work of Peter is consummated before that of John, who arrives first but enters the Sepulchre last. I owe this reference to Robey, Dr. D. Google Scholar

⁶⁸ For Joachim's interpretation of Satan bound for a thousand years as the Sabbath of history, see Expos. fols. 210^v–212^r.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Joachim's exposition of the Sybil in 1184 before Pope Lucius III and the text, Expositio de prophetia ignota Romae reperta, presumed to belong to this occasion, have been studied by McGinn, B., ‘Joachim and the Sybil,’ Cǐteaux Commentarii Cistercienses 24 (1973) 97–138, who confirms the case for the authenticity of this text.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Mottu's, Henry important book La manifestation de l'Esprit selon Joachim de Fiore (Neuchǎtel and Paris 1977) reached me too late for adequate comment within the limits of this article. He suggests that I have underestimated Joachim's novelty, but his argument here turns on the question of how revolutionary, rather than how original, Joachim was and, though these two questions are interrelated, they are not quite the same. Joachim's originality can be clearly assessed only when he is studied in relation to his contemporaries. How far that originality carried him into revolutionary conclusions is a question involving a delicate balance between two over-statements, see below, pp. 293–97. The question of Joachim's originality was discussed briefly at the International Colloquium at Lyons in 1974; see 1274: Année charnière — Mutations et continuités. Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (Paris 1977) 892–894.Google Scholar

⁷¹ On Joachim's theology of history, see Reeves, M., The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford 1969) 17–21; Figurae 5–19. See also RTAM 21 (1954) 211–247. On the last point, see Mottu, Manifestation 89: ‘Il n'est point exagéré de dire qu'avec Joachim, et peut-ětre pour la première fois dans l'histoire de l'herméneutique chrétienne, une claire prise de conscience du temps de l’Église et de son histoire se fait jour dans sa différence d'avec une conception uniforme et répétitive du temps post-christique.’Google Scholar

⁷² The five relationes are Father; Father and Son; Father, Son, and Spirit; Son and Spirit; Spirit. The seven modi are Father; Son; Spirit; Father and Son; Father and Spirit; Son and Spirit; Father and Son and Spirit (Psalt. fols. 257^v–262^v).Google Scholar

⁷³ For a fuller exposition, see Figurae 31–38, 45–51; Reeves, M., ‘The Abbot Joachim's Sense of History,’ in 1274: Année Charnière 783–787.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ From this viewpoint I think Manselli, R., ‘La Terza Età, Babylon e l'Anti-christo Mistico,’ Bulletino dell’ Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano 82 (1970) 49, 58–59, presses too far the concept of ‘appropriation’ of the Three Persons to three separate status as the core of Joachim's doctrine, even though at times Joachim's language may seem to justify this view.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Expos. fol. 39^r-v; Lib. conc., Prefatio and fol. 135^v.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Lib. conc. fols. 113^rff.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Psalt. fols. 260^v–263^v. Note especially: ‘Quia simul in seipsis tote tres persone habent posse dare septem spiritus qui sunt septem dona ipsius spiritus: mittunt illos in omnem terrain… . Habent itaque aliquid simile iste quinque virtutes cum quinque relationibus istis: sicut et septem dona spiritus sancti cum septem illis modis quibus dicuntur ad se persone deitatis: sive unaqueque sigillatim: sive communiter due vel tres. Que videlicet septem donis quamvis sint verissime totius trinitatis propterea tamen specialius eidem spiritui ascribuntur …’ (fols. 161^v–162^r).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See Figurae 6–12.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Expos. fol. 9^r.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid. fol. 137^v.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Ibid. fol. 12^r.Google Scholar

⁸² Lib. conc. fols. 26^v–38^r. Zindars-Swartz, Miss S. first drew my attention to the significance of the pavimentum. Google Scholar

⁸³ Ibid. fol. 38^r. In a figure of the generations one caption emphasizes this point: ‘Hic ostenditur quod Filii et Spiritus Sancti una est divinitas, equalis gloria, coeterna maiestas.’ See Figurae 37.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Expos. fols. 5^r–6^r.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Ibid. fol. 5^v.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Psalt. fol. 269^r.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Expos. fol. 5^v.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ In a recent, profoundly thoughtful essay, ‘Il problema del doppio Anticristo in Gioacchino da Fiore’ in Geschichtsschreibung und geistiges Leben im Mittelalter: Festschrift für Heinz Löwe zum 65. Geburtstag, edd. Hauck, K. and Mordek, H. (Cologne and Vienna 1978) 427–449, Professor Manselli makes the point that ‘il vero e proprio Anticristo’ comes at the end of the third status under the name of Gog. From this he draws the conclusion that the third status is not ‘un terzo momento della storia’ so much as ‘il momento iniziale dell’ età escatologica,’ preparing for the final Antichrist and Last Judgement. This needs further consideration, but — leaving aside the question of whether the ‘greatest Antichrist’ comes before or at the end of the third status — the positive promise of the Sabbath Age as a stage of history which will mark fresh achievement after triumph over the greatest Antichrist to appear so far seems to me to come through in innumerable passages, although, of course, it is always a transitus to the Eighth Day of eternity.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See Figurae 125–126, 165–168; Reeves, Influence, 132, 303, 305; Lib. conc. fols. 52^r, 56^r-v; Expos. fols. 9^r–11^r, 24^v, 207^r, 212^r–214^r. See also Lerner, ‘Refreshment of the Saints’ 119.Google Scholar

⁹¹ McGinn, B., ‘The Abbot and the Doctors: Scholastic Reactions to the Radical Eschatology of Joachim of Fiore,’ Church History 40 (1971) 34. A similar point is made by Flood, D., o.f.m., ‘A Study in Joachimism,’ Collectanea Franciscana 41 (1971) 135–136.Google Scholar

⁹² McGinn, , ‘The Abbot and the Doctors’ 34.Google Scholar

⁹³ Mottu, , Manifestation, passim. Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See the references given in Reeves, Influence 395–396.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Mottu, , Manifestation 89.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ The problem is complicated by the fact that Joachim, of course, held that in the first transitus the Synagogue was literally superseded by the Church. Thus when he makes the concord with the second transitus it is natural to assume that he intended a similar supersession. Yet all the passages dealing with the transitus from the Church of the second status to that of the third are couched in terms of people on the move rather than a substitution of one institution for another. Thus Lib. con. fol. 58^r-v: ‘Et ut populus fidelis qui egressus est de synagoga transiens per doctrinam et verbum Christi … receptus est in sinu matris ecclesie … ita nunc quoque amatores Christi transeant per doctrinam spiritualem recipiendi quandoque et ipsi in sinu spiritualis ecclesie.’ In two passages in which Joachim uses a shifting typology (Lib. Con. fol. 61^r and Psalt. fol. 265^r-v) he has a series of ecclesiae all designated in terms of people or orders and their characteristic activities, e.g., ecclesia secularium, clericorum, monachorum. Again, in Expos. f. 83^r, where the ecclesiae are specifically linked to the three status, similar broad terms are used: ecclesia clericorum, ecclesia or populus spiritualis or contemplativa. Ecclesia laborantium / contemplantium (Lib. conc. fols. 85^v, 96^v), societas contemplantis ecclesie (ibid. fol. 83^v), populus tertii status (ibid. fol. 96^r), populus sanctorum (ibid. fol. 69^v) — these and similar expressions occur many times. In none of the passages just cited is the ecclesia romana or ecclesia Petri associated with this concept of successive churches: the context in which Joachim uses these terms is, in general, quite different; the ecclesia romana or New Jerusalem remains immoveable. Yet sometimes immutability and transition are brought together: ‘Non igitur … deficiet ecclesia Petri que est thronus Christi … sed commutata in maiorem gloriam manebit stabilis in eternum’ (Lib. con. fol. 95^v). David, first reigning in Hebron, then in Jersalem, typifies the Papacy: ‘Quia occurrit pontificibus romanis preesse ecclesie laborantium; postea ecclesie quiescentium, prius desudantium in vita activa: postea exultantium in vita contemplativa’ (ibid. fol. 92^v). In one of the ‘special histories’ treated as typifying the transition to the third status, at the end of the Lib. con., a convincing link between the new life to come and the Church of Peter is made: Queen Esther typifies both the vita contemplativa and the Roman Church which Christ ‘prefers’ above all others, whilst her parent, Mordecai, represents Peter. Thus, in the final apotheosis after the storm of Antichrist, Mordecai's exaltation is that of Peter's successor ‘qui erit in tempore illo quasi fidelissimus vicarius Christi iesu elevabitur in sublime’ (Lib. conc. fol. 122^v).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Tractatus super quatuor evangelia, ed. Buonaiuti, E. (Rome 1930) 86: ‘itaque senex iste iustus et timoratus Romane presules designat Ecclesie … et cum dabitur ei videre quod optat, ut videlicet ita videat confirmatum donum Spiritus sancti in populo christiano, sicut futurum credimus in adventu Helie, qui venturus est omnia consumare, videns sanctum ilium ordinem quem Ecclesia peperit spiritalis… . accipiet eum in ulnas fidei et dilectionis sue et pronuntiabit in eo esse ilium vivificantem Spiritum… .’Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Mottu, , Manifestation 137.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Tractatus 87: ‘quasi ergo in ulnas suas suscipiet puerum senex Symeon, cum successores Petri quibus data est prerogativa fidei et discernere inter sanctum et prophanum, videntes ilium ordinem qui imitatur vestigia Christi, in virtute spiritali, sustentabit eum munimine auctoritatis sue et confirmabit verbis testimonii sui, annuncians complenda esse in ipso ticinia prophetarum… . neque enim super dissolutionem suam poterit dolere, cum se in meliori successione permanere cognoscet. scimus enim quod ut alius ordo designetur in precessore, alius in successore, non facit diversitas fidei, set proprietas religionis.’Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ E.g., Lib. con. fols. 18^r, 58^r; Expos. fols. 17^r–18^v, 22^r–23^v, 49^v–50^v, 137^v, 141^vff.; Psalt. fol. 265^v. Even when, in Expos. fol. 204^v, he speaks of the two ecclesiae of Peter, and John, , these still represent types of order (predicantium and contemplantium), not the Roman Church and a successor.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Tractatus 86: ‘set quare vel a Domino dicitur evangelium Regni, vel a Iohanne evangelium eternum, nisi quia illud quod mandatum est nobis a Christo vel apostolis, secundum fidem sacramentorum, quantum ad ipsa sacramenta transitorium est et temporale, quod autem per ea sacrificatur, eternum?’Google Scholar

¹⁰² Lib. fig. plate 12. See Figurae 232–248.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Tractatus 191–202; Mottu, Manifestation 180–186.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Mottu, , Manifestation 184.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ibid. But notice that the passage which Mottu here quotes (Tractatus 193) couches the transformation in terms of a ‘nova religiosorum Ecclesia’ which hardly justifies his interpretation as an institutional, structural conversion of the Church.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ This and similar phrases are used by Joachim a number of times. See Lib. conc. fol. 112^r; Expos. fols. 5^v, 45^r, 78^r, 86r; Tractatus 21, 74.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ ‘Joachite,’ ‘Joachimist,’ ‘Joachist,’ and other varieties have been freely used according to taste. McGinn, ‘The Abbot and the Doctors’ 35, gives his own definition of the terms ‘Joachite,’ ‘Joachimist.’ I have preferred to stick to Salimbene's use of ‘Joachita’ (Eng. ‘Joachite’) as a name for one who is a disciple or committed to Joachim's Trinitarian doctrine of history. ‘Joachimist’ then becomes the broader adjective describing varying degrees of influence on ideas or writings. Paul, J., ‘Le Joachimisme et les Joachimites au milieu de xiii^e siècle, d'après le témoignage de Fra Salimbene,’ 1274: Année charnière 799, points out that Salimbene's use is peculiar and that he turns an adjective into a noun. See also Father Brady's discussion of what constitutes a ‘Joachite’ in his review of my book in Catholic Historical Review 58 (1972–1973) 612.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ The complaints of several reviewers of Influence underline the need to use clear criteria in applying these terms; see, for example, Father Brady, ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ See, for example, Werner of Rochefort and Opicinus de Canistris. For these, see Figurae 297–299.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ An example of a superficial Joachimist influence can be found in Solomon's, D. study ‘The Sentence Commentary of Richard Fishacre and the Apocalypse Commentary of Hugh of St. Cher,’ Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 46 (1976) 367–377, in which he shows that Hugh could use Joachim's Expositio in Apocalypsim without adopting his expectation of a coming Age of the Spirit.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ For this episode, see references in Reeves, Influence 59–66; see also Dufeil, M.-M., 1274: Année charnière 816–819.Google Scholar

¹¹² Salimbene, , Chronica , MGH SS 32.232.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Ibid. 466.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ West, D., ‘Between Flesh and Spirit: Joachite Pattern and Meaning in the Cronica of Fra Salimbene,’ Journal of Medieval History 3 (1977) 339–352. See also Paul, ‘Le Joachimisme et Les Joachimites’ 797–813, who sees Salimbene's Joachimism as something already dead before he wrote his Cronica. Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Salimbene, , MGH SS 32.293.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Daniel, E. R., The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the High Middle Ages (Lexington, Ky. 1975) 27 and passim for the later part played by ‘Joachites’ in the Order.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ For references, see Reeves, Influence 176, nn. 3, 4, 5.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum Mag. Lombardi, P., Opera omnia I (ed. Quaracchi, ) 121.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Ratzinger, J., Bonaventura (Munich and Zurich 1959) 16–96, 106–120; tr. Hayes, Z., The Theology of History in St Bonaventure (Chicago 1972) 7–24, 30–49, 82–93, 105–117. See also Reeves, Influence 179–181; McGinn, ‘The Abbot and the Doctors’ 41–45. The Collationes in Hexaemeron are the notes of university sermons given in Paris in 1273.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ See above, pp. 282–85Google Scholar

¹²¹ McGinn, , ‘The Abbot and the Doctors.’ My original statement that ‘St. Bonaventura was a Joachite malgré lui’ (Influence 181) does not go far enough for McGinn, but goes too far for Father Brady (see above n. 107).Google Scholar

¹²² See, for instance, Olivi, Postilla super Apocalypsim, MS Rome, Bibl. Angelica 383 fols. 7^v–8^r; Ubertino da Casale, Arbor vitae crucifixae (Venice 1485) fol. 205^r.Google Scholar

¹²³ This has been suggested to me by Davies, Mrs. C. who has been working on Olivi's scriptural commentaries. See also Burr, D., ‘The Persecution of Peter Olivi,’ Transactions of the American Philosophical Society n.S. 66 (1976) 35.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Manselli, , ‘La Terza Età’ 48–52. In the essay ‘Giovanni XXII e il Gioachimismo di Pietro di Giovanni Olivi,’ Bulletino dell’ Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano 82 (1970), Pásztor, Dr. E. argues that Pope John XXII exaggerated Olivi's Joachimism in the four articles which he extracted from the Postilla. It is not possible here to do justice to her searching analysis. I can only make the points (a) that I do not believe Joachim's third status implied a static and final state of perfection (cf. p. 88); (b) that, in my view, Joachim, as well as Olivi, strove to preserve the perennial reality of the Church (cf. p. 88); (c) that I do not see the Trinitarian periodisation which Olivi seems to derive from Joachim as a contradiction of the centrality of Christ in history (cf. pp. 90, 105). In the end her conclusion does not seem far from mine: ‘sembra indubbio che Olivi avesse previsto una terza età prima della fine dei tempi. Sotto quest’ aspetto la sua visione eschatologica è senza dubbio gioachimitica’ (p. 109).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ See above, pp. 289–92. It is significant that even Salimbene grasped something of the complexity of Joachim's thought, for in the statement on Joachim's doctrine of the three status cited above (see reference in n. 113), he says: ‘… doctrina Ioachim abbatis, qui dividit mundum in triplicem statum. Nam in primo statu seculi proprietate misterii operatus est pater in patriarchis et filiis prophetarum, quamquam indivisibilia sunt opera trinitatis …’ (emphasis added).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Burr, , ‘Persecution of Peter Olivi’ 17–22, 34–35, gives an impressive number of references to Olivi's unpublished works.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ See Flood, , ‘Study in Joachimism’ 136–140. Professor Charles Davis’ forthcoming article on ‘Poverty and Eschatology in the Commedia’ explores the significance of poverty in the Last Age.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ See Reeves, , Influence 203–207. van Limborch, P., Historia Inquisitionis, cui subjungitur Liber Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tholosanae 1307–1323 (Amsterdam 1692) gives many examples. See also Manselli, R., Spirituali e Beghini in Provenza (Studi Storici 31–34; Rome 1959) 179–254.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ See references and quotations in Reeves, Influence 212–216.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ References are given in ibid. 54–55, and (more up-to-date) by Henderson, J., ‘The Flagellant Movement and Flagellant Confraternities in Central Italy, 1260–1400,’ Studies in Church History XV, ed. Baker, D. (Oxford 1978) 147–160.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Nor had I intended to describe it as such in my book; but see McGinn, B., ‘Apocalypticism in the Middle Ages. An Historiographical Sketch,’ Medieval Studies 37 (1975) 277, who thinks I was imputing ‘Joachite motives’ to the movement.Google Scholar

¹³² See the short prophecies and verses quoted in Reeves, Influence 49–51.Google Scholar

¹³³ MGH SS Libelli de lite 3.509–510. See Töpfer, B., Das kommende Reich des Friedens (Berlin 1964) 30–31; McGinn, B., ‘Angel Pope and Papal Antichrist,’ Church History 47 (1978) 157–158.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ See, for example, Lib. conc. fol. 56^r: ‘… ascendet quasi novus dux de Babylone universalis sc. pontifex nove Hierusalem’; fol. 89^r: ‘… erit tunc successio romani pontificis a mari usque ad mare’; fol. 122^v: ‘… quia successor Petri qui erit in tempore illo, quasi fidelissimus vicarius Christi Iesu elevabitur in sublime.’Google Scholar

¹³⁵ See Reeves, , Influence 399.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ In an unpublished essay Clarke, Professor D. argues that in the mid-thirteenth-century pseudo-Joachimist works Super Hieremiam and Super Esaiam the idea, though not the name, of the Angelic Pope was already emerging more clearly than I had suggested (cf. ibid. 397–398).Google Scholar

¹³⁷ These are studied in Reeves, M., ‘Some Popular Prophecies from the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries’ in Popular Belief and Practice, edd. Cuming, G. J. and Baker, D. (Cambridge 1972) 107–133.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ See Grundmann, H., ‘Die Liber de Flore,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 49 (1929) 33–91.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ See Bignami-Odier, J., Études sur Jean de Roquetaillade (Paris 1952); Donckel, E., ‘Die Prophezeiung des Telesforus,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 26 (1933) 29–104; Reeves, , Influence 225–228, 321–331.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ See Weinstein, D., Savonarola and Florence: Prophecy and Patriotism in the Renaissance (Princeton 1970); Reeves, M., Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future (London and New York 1976) 82–95.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Jeffrey, D., The Early English Lyric and Franciscan Spirituality (Lincoln, Nebr. 1975) 70–72.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Ibid. 71 gives as his reference Bondatti, G., Gioacchinismo e Francescanesimo nel Dugento (Maria degli Angeli, S. 1924) 147. Bondatti refers to Oliger, Studi francescani 7 (1921) 143–183, and 8 (1922) 18–47, but I cannot find any positive evidence of Joachimism in the work edited by Father Oliger.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ O'Sharkey, E., ‘The Influence of the Teachings of Joachim of Fiore on Some Thirteenth-Century French Grail Romances,’ Trivium 2 (1967) 47–58.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Ibid. 54.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Ermini, F., Medio Evo Latino (Rome 1938) 319–323, argued that the order of the hierarchy in the Paradiso was influenced by Joachim's mounting scale in the figure of the psaltery with ten strings.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Notably by Tondelli, L., Da Gioachino a Dante (Turin 1944) 67–72; Il Libro delle figure dell’ abate Gioachino de Fiore (2nd ed. Turin 1953) I 221–336.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Nardi, B., Dante e La Cultura Medievale (Bari 1942) 267–270.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Figurae 326–328.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Ibid. 320–325.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Lib. fig. plates 5, 6.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ See Reeves, M., ‘Dante and the Prophetic View of History’ in The World of Dante, ed. Grayson, C. (Oxford 1980) 44–60.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Another complex literary problem concerns the question of possible Joachimist influence in Piers Plowman; see Bloomfield, M., Piers Plowman as a Fourteenth-Century Apocalypse (New Brunswick 1961). This seemed too large a topic to include in this sketch.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ See Weinstein, , Savonarola and Florence 336–338; Reeves, , Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future 92–93.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ de Sède, S., La Sainte-Chapelle et la politique de la fin des temps (Paris 1972) 203–207.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Lib. conc. fols. 112^v–122^v; Figurae 226–228.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Gavazzoli, M., ‘Le pitture della cupola del Battistero di Parma e gli scritti di Gioacchino da Fiore,’ Il Romanico. Atti del Seminario di studi diretto da Piero Sanpaolesi (Milan 1975) 111–144.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Ibid. 114.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Signora Gavazzoli sums up thus: ‘Se non unico, il testoehiave tenuto presente, anche indirettamente, nella concezione dell'opera si potrebbe identificare con l'Adversos Iudeos di Gioacchino, poichè sia le immagini scelte, sia la loro organizzazione conducono in modo convergente verso il tema di un'apologia del Cristianesimo di fronte al credo ebraico, così come è delineatta dall’ abate di Fiore’ (ibid. 139).Google Scholar

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¹⁶⁰ Ibid. 9: ‘Nel nostro caso ogni figura ed ogni simbolo sono dettati da una personale esperienza costruttiva di un nuovo concetto mistico; non si sente la partecipazione astratta di un teologo, che detta le forme e lo scopo della immagini, ma esse sono invece il frutto vivo di una persona, che ha vissuto l'idea del motivo rappresentato e che non segue gli schemi iconografici più o meno stabiliti.’Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Lib. fig. plate 13.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Prosperi's interpretation of the figures is not, I think, invalidated by his imperfect knowledge of Joachim's works, but it should be noted that (a) the Perugia MS contains, not Joachim's Liber figurarum, but a pseudo-Joachimist figure collection (p. 12); (b) that the Commentary on Jeremiah is not Joachim's but a mid-thirteenth-century work.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ ‘Zur Ikonographie der Franziskuslegende, besonders der Fresken Giottos in der Oberkirche der Basilika San Franceso in Assisi,’ Zeitschrift für Religions- u. Geistesgeschichte 28 (1976) 245–255.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Ibid. 247–250.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Ibid. 51–52.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ In a letter to me.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Freyhan, R., ‘Joachim and the English Apocalypse,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 18 (1955) 211–244.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Fraenger, W., The Millennium of Hieronymus Bosch tr. Wilkins, E. & Kaiser, E. (London 1952).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Ibid. 39. Fraenger calls Joachim Giacomo instead of Gioacchino throughout. Although he is able to link the triptych with the Brethren of the Free Spirit, any clear connection between this sect and Joachimism has never been established.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Ibid. 40–41.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Ibid. 42. Fraenger himself notes that these boys scarcely fit in with ‘Giacomo's’ idea of them as remote from all sexuality (p. 110).Google Scholar

¹⁷² Ibid. 41.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ See Reeves, M., ‘History and Eschatology: Medieval and Early Protestant Thought in some English and Scottish writings,’ Medievalia et Humanistica n.s. 4 (1973) 115–116.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Weltgeschichte (Stuttgart 1961) 472–473. I owe this reference to Fontaine, Dr. P. F. of Utrecht.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ See Reeves, , Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future 172–173.Google Scholar