¹ Wilks, Michael, The Problem of Sovereignty in the Later Middle Ages. The Papal Monarchy with Augustinus Triumphus and the Publicists (Cambridge, 1963Google Scholar, but completed 1959, cf. preface, p. xi), ‘Papa est nomen iurisdictionis. Augustinus Triumphus and the papal vicariate of Christ’, JThS, ns 8 (1957), pp. 71—92, 256—71, ‘The idea of the Church as Unus homo perfectus and its bearing on the medieval theory of sovereignty’, Miscellanea historiae ecclesiasticae, Congrès de Stockholm, août loóo (Louvain, 1961), pp. 32—49.

² On Augustinus cf.Perini, D. A., Bibliographia Augustiniana cum notis biographicis, 4 (Florence, 1937), pp. 20–8Google Scholar; Ministeri, B., ‘De Augusrini de Ancona O.E.S.A (+ 1328) vita et operibus’, Analecta Augustiniana, 22 (1951-2), pp. 7–56, 148–262Google Scholar; Mariani, U., Chiesa estato nei teologi agostiniani del secolo XIV = Uomini e dottrine, 5 (Rome, 1957), esp. pp. 89—97, 174–98Google Scholar. Ministeri, B., in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 1 (Rome, 1960), pp. 475–8Google Scholar, drew attention to the fact that the family name ‘Trionfo’ was not used in contemporary sources, and first appeared c. 581-2, when the Vicar General of the Augustinian Order, Agostino da Fivizzano, prepared a new edition of the Summa de ecclesiastica potestate of Augustinus de Ancona (Rome, 1582, 1584). On the manuscript circulation cf.Kürzinger, J., ‘Hanschriften philosophischer Werke des Augusriner-eremiten Augustinus Triumphus de Ancona’, Philosophisches Jahrbuch, 53 (1940), pp. 354–61Google Scholar; Zumkeller, A., Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens in mitteleuropäischen Bibliolheken = Cassiciacum, 20 (Würzburg, 1966), pp. 67–80, esp. pp. 77f.Google Scholar

³ Wilks, The Problem, pp. 520ff.

⁴ Wilks, The Problem, p. 528. Cf. further Kölmel, W., ‘Einheit und Zweiheit der Gewalt im “corpus mysticum”. Zur Souveränitätslehre des Augustinus Triumphus’, Historisches Jahrbuch, 83 (1963), pp. 103–47Google Scholar; McCready, W., ‘The papal sovereign in the ecclesiology of Augustinus Triumphus’, MS, 39 (1977), pp. 177—205Google Scholar; Miethke, J., ‘Die Traktate “De potestate papae”.Ein Typus politiktheoretischer Literatur im späten Mittelalter’, Les genres littéraires dans les sources théologiques et philosophiques médiévales. Définition, critique et exploitation. Actes du Colloque international de Louvain-la-Neuve, 25–27Google Scholar mai 1981 = Publications de l’Institut d’Études médiévaux, ser. II, 5 (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1982), pp. 193-211.

⁵ Cf. the table in Miethke, J., ‘Zur Bedeutung der Ekklesiologie für die politisene Theorie im späten Mittelalter’, in Zimmermann, A., ed. Soziale Ordnungen im Selbstverständnis des Mittelallers = Miscellanea Mediaevalia 12/2 (Berlin and New York, 1980), pp. 369–88Google Scholar, esp. pp. 387f. In this respect, the concentration on central European libraries, to the exclusion of the Mediterranean countries, somewhat distorts the perspective in the list contained in Zumkeller, Manuskripte, p. 78. The popularity of the text in the conciliar era is reflected in the statement by Job Vener (c.1370-9 April 1447), for several decades an astute and learned adviser of the rulers of the Palatinate of the Rhine, that Augustinus’s Summa was one of five essential books, which no serious library for conciliar and papal affairs could afford not to possess, cf. H. Heimpel, Die Vener von Gmünd und Strassburg 1162-1447. Studien und Texte zur Geschichte einer Familie sowie desgelehrten Beamtentums in der Zeit der abendländischen Kirchenspaltung und der Konzilien von Pisa, Konstanz und Basel= Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, 52/1-3 (Göttingen, 1982), pp. 1292f.

⁶ This formulation, with minor variations, occurs in three letters issued 1322-8 by the ruler of Sicily, which are printed in Mariani, Chiesa e stato, pp. 91-3. Cf.further, W. Göa, König Robert von Neapel (1309-1343). Seine Persönlichkeit und sein Verhähnis zum Humanismus (Tübingen, 1910).Google Scholar

⁷ GrAbmann, M., Storia della teologia cattolica, 2nd edn (Milan, 1939), p. 151.Google Scholar

⁸ Apart from the titles cited in nn. 2 and 4 above, cf.Schmaus, M., ‘Die Gotteslehre des Augustinus Triumphus nach seinem Sentenzenkommentar’, in Lang, A., et al., ed., Aus der Geisteswelt des Mittelalters. Studien und Texte Martin Grabmann zur Vollendung des 60. Lebensjahres von Freunden und Schülern gewidmet = BGPhMA, Supplementband III/2 (1935), pp. 896–953Google Scholar. Older accounts frequently referred to Augustinus as having been appointed archbishop of Nazareth, then in partibus infidelium and from 1288 transferred to Barletta, but the evidence now appears to be negative, cf. Wilks, The Problem, p. 9, and Riezler, S., Die literarischen Widersacher der Päpste zur Zeit Ludwig des Baiers (Leipzig, 1874), p. 286Google Scholar. The revised episcopal lists printed in Fedalto, G., La chiesa latina in oriente, H. Hierarchia Latina Orientis Studi religiosi, 3 (Verona, 1976)Google Scholar, here at pp. 165f., do not help further, as Fedalto concentrated on resident bishops and deliberately excluded those nominated inpartibus infidelium.

⁹ Quoted in Mariani, Chiesa e stato, p. 96, from Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 114, fol. 19r.

¹⁰ Ibid., p. 90, from Reg. Vat 113, fol. 283V; cf. further Wilks, The Problem, p. 8; Denifle, H. and Chatelain, E., eds, Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, 2 (Paris, 1891), no. 848, p. 289.Google Scholar

¹¹ E.g. Mariani, Chiesa e stato, p. 187; Ministeri, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 1, pp.476f. In this context cf. also J. Miethke, ‘Marsilius und Ockham. Publikum und Leser ihrer polidschen Schriften im späteren Mittelalter’, Marsilio da Padova. Convegno Intemazionale, Padova, 18-20 sett. 1980 = Medioevo, 6 (Padua, 1980), pp. 543-67.

¹² Wilks, The Problem, p. 8.

¹³ Miethke, J., ‘Zeitbezug und Gegenwartsbewußtsein in der politischen Theorie der ersten Hälite des 14.Jahrhunderts’, in Zimmermann, A., ed., Antiqui und Moderni. Traditionsbewußtsein und Forstschrittsbewußrsein im späten Mittelaller = Miscellanea Mediaevalia, 9 (Berlin and New York, 1974), pp. 267–92, at p. 270.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Miethke, J., ‘Geschichtsprozeß und zeitgenössisches Bewußtsein. — Die Theorie des monarchischen Papats im hohen und späten Mittelalter’, HZ, 226 (1978), pp. 564–99, esp. pp. 595ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Wilks, The Problem, pp. 63ff., drew attention to the frequency with which the publicists, including Augustinus de Ancona, used the imagery of Christian society as a machina, which required as stabilizing and harmonizing factor a summum movens.

¹⁶ Here Augusrinus cast his net extremely wide, to include—among other historical and pseudo-historical details—an elaborate discussion of the emergence of the College of Electors in the Holy Roman Empire which, following the account of the popular Dominican chronicler Martin of Troppau, he attributes to Pope Gregory V (996-9). The latter, great-grandson of the Emperor Otto I, was assumed to be acting in the interests of his ‘German’ relative Otto III when he established the rights of the seven electors, including the ‘dux Bohemiae, qui modo est rex’. Cf. Summa de ecclesiastica potestate, ch. 35 (2); further M. Buchner, Die Entstehung und Ausbildung der Kurfürstenfabel. Eine historiographische Studie (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1912), esp. pp. 10—16.

¹⁷ Cf.Lambert, M. D., Franciscan Poverty, the Doctrine of the Absolute Poverty of Christ and the Apostles in the Franciscan Order 1210-1323 (London, 1961).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Summa, chs 76-112. In one of the most reliable copies to be considered here, that contained in Brixen/Bressanone, Diocesan Seminary, Cod. 1, it runs from fol. 287ra to 414va, and accounts for over a quarter of the entire text

¹⁹ Cf.Lambert, M. D., ‘The Franciscan crisis under John XXII’, FrS, 32 (1972), pp. 123–43.Google Scholar

²⁰ Cf.Zeyen, R., Die theologische Disputation des Johannes de Polliaco zur kirchlichen Verfassung = Europäische Hochschulschriften, ser. 23, 64 (Frankfurt am Main and Bern, 1976)Google Scholar. On the remarkably high level of mendicant participation in the debates about papal jurisdiction cf.Miethke, J., ‘Die Rolle der Bettelorden im Umbruch der politischen Theorie an der Wende zum 14. Jahrhundert, in Elm, K., ed., Stellung und Wirksamkeit der Bettelorden in der städtischen Geselbchaft=Berliner Historische Studien, 3, Ordensstudien 2 (Berlin, 1981), pp. 119–53.Google Scholar

²¹ Summa, esp. caps 105-12; Brixen, Diocesan Seminary, Cod. 1.fols 382ra-414va.

²² For the text of this bull cf. Extrav.J. XXII, 14.2, col. 1224; also in Bullarium Franciscanum 5 (Romae, 1898), cols 224f. On Augustinian participarion in this discussion cf.Mathes, F. A., ‘The Poverty Movement and the Augustinian Hermits’, Analecta Augustiniana, 31 (1968), esp. pp. 136–47.Google Scholar

²³ Now Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 548: ‘Explicit summa de ecclesiastica potestate finita in vigilia sancti Iuonis (= 19 May) Anno domini Mcccc° xxiiij’, fols 332ra, 358v. The reference to St Ivo may be purely coincidental, or it may imply that the Carthusian who copied the work had previously been a lawyer. On the role of St Ivo as patron saint of medieval and early modern law faculties, cf.Burmeister, K.-H., ‘Der hl. Ivo und seine Verehrung an den deutschen Rechtsfakulräten’, ZSRG, G, 92 (1975), pp. 60–88Google Scholar, with references to publications for non-German regions; Sprung, R., ‘Die Verehrung des hl. Ivo an der Universität Innsbruck’, in Leisching, P., Pototschnig, Fr., and Potz, R., eds, Ex aequo et bono. Willibald M. Plöchl zum 70. Geburtstag (Innsbruck, 1977), pp. 129–73Google Scholar. On the library of the Carthusians in Schnals cf.Neuhauser, W., ‘Beitrage zur Bibliotheksgeschichte der Kartause Schnals’, in Die Kartäuser in Österreich, 1 = Analecta Carthusiana, 83 (Salzburg, 1980), pp. 48–126Google Scholar, and Die Schnalser Handschriften in Padua = Analecta Carthusiana, 113:2 (Salzburg, 1984).

²⁴ There is no modern critical monograph on Schnals, but much useful material was collected in Rief, J. C., ‘Beiträge zur Geschichte des ehemaligen Kartäuserklosters Allerengelberg in Schnals’, Programm des öffentlichen Obergymnasiums der Franziskaner zu Bozen 1902/03-1918/19 (Bozen, 1903-19)Google Scholar. Of limited value is Hanrschk, R., ‘Geschichte der ehemaligen Kartause Mauerbach’ (University of Vienna dissertation, 1950).Google Scholar

²⁵ This interaction between university learning and Carthusian centres of contemplative study is illustrated in Mertens, D., Jucobus, Carthusiensis. Untersuchungen zur Rezeption der Werke des Kartäusers Jakob von Paradies = Studien zur Geschichte der Germania Sacra, 13 (Göttingen, 1976), esp. pp. 230ff.Google Scholar

²⁶ On the suppressions in the Tyrol cf.Lindner, A., ‘Die Aufhebung der Klöster in Deutschtirol 1782-1787’, Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums für Tirol und Vorarlberg, Folge 3. 28 (1884), pp. 198–234Google Scholar; 29 (1885), pp. 145-291; 30 (1886), pp. 9-271. Schnals is discussed in vol. 28, pp. 198-234. At the dissolution the community consisted of the prior, ten monks, and one novice, ibid., p. 233.

²⁷ Noteworthy is the work of the Carthusian Heinrich Haller, who in the middle decades of the century translated a vast number of sermons, historical, and exegerical works, mainly by Carthusian and Cistercian authors. Many of these have been studied by Erika Bauer: cf., for example, Paternoster-Auslegung, zugeschrieben Jakob von Jüterborg [= Jakob von Paradies], verdeutscht von Heinrich Hatter = Lunder germanistische Forschungen, 39 (Lund and Copenhagen, 1966), Zislerzienser-Prediglen in der Übertragung des Heinrich Haller O.Carth. = ideine Prosadenkmäler des Mittelalters, 7 (Munich, 1969), and ‘Heinrich Haller’, in Die deutsche Literaiur des Millelalters, Verfasserlexikon, 3 (Berlin and New York, 1981), cols 415-18.

²⁸ Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 548, fol. 164va-b. Some MSS conclude the first part after chapter 34, beginning the discussion of the nature of imperial power, authority to elect and depose an emperor, and imperial authority over other kings (chs 35-46) as a new section. This, in many respects more logical division, is incorporated in the incunabula cited in this study.

²⁹ Cod. 548, fol. 358V.

³⁰ Neuhauser, ‘Beiträge’, p. 65.

³¹ Brixen, Diocesan Seminary Cod. 1, fol. 447r.

³² On Bernhard and his library see below, pp. 358-60.

³³ Now Salzburg, University Library Cod. M II 303, fol. 481r

³⁴ This form is contained in the papal bull nominating him to the see of Urbino: cf.Mariani, U., Il Petrarca egli Agostiniani, 2nd edn (Rome, 1959), pp. 35F.Google Scholar, who makes the plausible suggestion that it is a corruption of a family nickname ‘Dio ti. aiuti’, and rejects the older claim that Bartolomeo was a member of the noble family of Carusi.

³⁵ Perini, Cf., Bibliographia Augusliniana, 1, pp. 203ff.Google Scholar; Eubel, C., Hierarchia catholica, 2nd edn, I (Monasterii, 1913), p. 509.Google Scholar

³⁶ On the evidence for this, and the manuscript circulation, cf. Zumkeller, Manuskripte, pp. 88f.

³⁷ Ownership and production of books in Schnals document contacts, which ranged from Thuringia (with a special concentration on the Charterhouse in Erfurt) to Bologna, cf. Neuhauser, ‘Beiträge’, pp. 63ff.

³⁸ On Gereuter, cf.Bachmann, H., ‘Das Stadtschreiberamt in Hall und seine Schreiber im 15. Jahrhundert’, Tiroler Heimat, 26 (1962), pp. 37–75, esp. pp. 40–2.Google Scholar

³⁹ Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 451, fol. 158vb.

⁴⁰ This has been documented in Walsh, K., ‘Von der scholasrischen Literatur zur Pastoraltheologie. Die “Augusrinerschule” im Spiegel der Stamser Handschriften’, Studia Stamsensia = InnsbruckerHislorische Studien, 6 (1983), pp. 27–44, esp. 40–3Google Scholar. In 1431 Gereuter copied for the Cistercians in Stams the complete sermon-cycle of the Augustinian friar Jordanus de Quedlinburg (d. 1370), now Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 66, 425, and 451, using a better text than that already available in the Tyrol, now ibid. Cod. 50, 130, and 565. These had been copied in 1406-7 for Berthold, priest in Hall, who donated them to the Carthusians in Schnals. Excellent descriptions of Cod. 50 and 66 are to be found in W. Neuhauser, Katalog der Handschriften der Universitätsbibliolhek Innsbruck. Teil 1: cod. 1-100 = Denkschriften der philosophisch-historischen Klasse der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 192 = Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Schrift- und Buchwesen des Mittelalters, Reihe II, Band 4, Teil 1 (Vienna, 1987), pp. 157-9, 194f.

⁴¹ Brixen, Diocesan Seminary Cod. 1, fol. 194f.

⁴² Ibid., fol. 414vb.

⁴³ Brixen, Diocesan Seminary Cod. 1, fol. 447r.

⁴⁴ ‘Petern schreiber zerung gen Stams umb einen prediger’: cited from the unpublished ‘Raitbücher’ (= Account-books) in Bachmann, ‘Das Stadtschreiberamt in Hall’, p. 40.

⁴⁵ Cf. Walsh,’”Augustinerschule’”.

⁴⁶ These were conveniendy provided by a major book-collector in Brixen towards the end of the fifteenth century, Melchior [Copis] de Meckau (in the diocese of Meißen), who was bishop of Brixner (1482-d. 1509), and was one of the last cardinals created, on 31 May 1503, by Pope Alexander VI. Cf.Sanrifaller, L., Das Brixner Domkapilel in seiner persönlichen Zusammensetzung im Mittelaiter = Schlern-Schriften, 7 (Innsbruck, 1924), pp. 370–81Google Scholar; Gelmi, J., Die Brixner Bischöfe in der Geschichte Tirols (Bozen, 1984), pp. 111–14Google Scholar. Numerous manuscripts, which Bishop Melchior signed and commented on, are now in the Diocesan Seminar in Brixen, but have not been systematically studied.

⁴⁷ Cf. ibid., pp. 98f.; Weiss, S., ‘Halleiner an der spätmittelalterlichen päpsdichen Kurie’, Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde, 120–1 (1980-1), esp. pp. 95—107Google Scholar. The present writer has discovered a number of sermons, as well as extracts from propositiones, which Rötel presented in Bologna as part of his public examinations. Now Brixen, Diocesan Seminary Cod. 109, which later passed into the possession of Bishop Melchior, who included the note of possession ‘Melchior ep. Brixinensis’ on fols 1r and 270v.

⁴⁸ Dopsch, Cf. H. and Spatzenegger, H., eds, Geschichte Salzburgs. Stadt und Lana. I: Vorgeschichte — Altertum — Mittelaiter 3 vols (Salzburg (1981-4), p. 1149Google Scholar, and ad indicem.

⁴⁹ Weiss, ‘Halleiner an der… Kurie’, p. 104.

⁵⁰ Cf.Stieber, J. W., Pope Eugenius IV, the Council of Basel, and the Secular and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Empire. The Conflict over Supreme Authority and Power in the Church = Studies in the History of Christian Thought, 13 (Leiden, 1978)Google Scholar. A prominent conciliarist, the illegitimate son of Duke Johann II. von Bayern-München, Johannes Grünwalder (post 1392-2 Dec. 1452), Bishop of Freising, and elevated in 1440 to the cardinalate by the conciliar pope Felix V, also possessed a text of the Summa, now Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat 934. The MS had been made in the later fourteenth century and passed through several hands before being acquired by Grünwalder, who had his coat-of-arms—quartered with those of Bavaria and surmounted by his cardinal’s hat—added to the beginning of Augustinus’s text at fol. 14ra.

⁵¹ Cf.Linder, P., Album Stamsense seu Catalogas Religiosorum sacri et exempli Cisterciensis S. Joannis Baptistae in Slants 1272-1898 (Salzburg, 1898), p. 17Google Scholar. Walsh, ‘“Augusonerschule”’, pp. 39, 35ff.

⁵² Cf. Handhuch der hislorischen Stätten Deutschlands XI: Provinz Sachsen-Anhalt (Stuttgart, 1975), pp. 73-5.

⁵³ For example, the Graduale, which he completed in Stams on 9 August 1432, now Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 1, cf. Neuhauser, Katalog, pp. 50-4. Sa 1432 an illustration from this manuscript is included among the plates in die supplement to this catalogue: ‘Handschriften mit Datierungen und undatierten Schreibervermerken.’

⁵⁴ Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 22, fol. 239vb, 254r. Cf. Walsh, ‘“Augusrinerschule”’, p. 35; Neuhauser, Katalog, pp. 103f.

⁵⁵ Now Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 198, fol. ira—130vb.

⁵⁶ Cf. nn. 40-4 above.

⁵⁷ Innsbruck, University Library Cod. 22, fol. 1r.

⁵⁸ Ibid., fols 1r-10v.

⁵⁹ These will be noted briefly at the end of this paper.

⁶⁰ Now Cod. 53, cf. Catalogue général des bibliothèques publiques Je France, 56, Colmar (Paris, 1969), p. 28. Also from the Augustinian convent in Colmar is Cod. 54 (formerly 349), containing the Tractatus super ‘Missus est’, or ‘De angelica annunciatione’ by Augusrinus de Ancona. On the wide circulation of this text see Zumkeller, Manuskripte, pp. 74-6.

⁶¹ Cf. Compendium ex registris archivi generalis OESA, pp. 170, 409, now Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 8423.

⁶² Cf.Lehmann, P., ‘Konstanz und Basel als Büchermärkte während der großen Kirchenversammlungen’, Erforschung des Mittelalters. Ausgewählle Abhandlungen und Aufsätze, 1 (Stuttgart, 1941; reprint 1959), pp. 253–80Google Scholar; Miethke, J., ‘Die Konzilien als Forum der öffendichen Meinung im 15. Jahrhundert’, DA, 37 (1981), pp. 736–73.Google Scholar

⁶³ Zumkeller, Manuskripte, p. 244, knows him only as the scribe of this manuscript.

⁶⁴ Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 3759, formerly Augsburg, Dombibliothek Cod. 59.

⁶⁵ On the concept of ‘Wiener Konziliarismus’ cf.Frank, I. W. O.P., Der antikonziliaristische Dominikaner Leonhard Huntpichler. Ein Beitrag zum Konziliarismus der Wiener Universitิt im 15. Jahrhundert = Archiv für österreichische Geschichte, 131 (Vienna, 1976), esp. pp. 108ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Cf.Klicman, L., ‘Processus iudiciarius contra Jeronimum de Praga habitus Viennae A.1410-1412’, Historický Archiv, 12 (Prague, 1898), pp. xi + 43Google Scholar, and ‘Der Wiener Process gegen Hieronymus von Prag, 1410-1412’, MIÖC, 21 (1900), pp. 445-457;. P. P.Bernard, ‘Jerome of Prague, Austria and the Hussites’, chH, 27 (1958), pp. 3-22.

⁶⁷ These arguments are summarized in Walsh, K., ‘Wyclif’s legacy in Central Europe in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, SCH.S, 5 (1987), esp. pp. 406ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ On enthusiasm for the council in Vienna University circles Lhotsky, cf. A., Thomas Ebendorfer. Ein österreichischer Geschiclitsschreiber, Theologeund Diplomat des 15. Jahrhunderts = MGH Schriften, 15 (Stuttgart, 1957), pp. 15ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Cited in Ruf, P., ‘Eine altbayerische Gelehrtenbibliothek des 15. Jahrhunderts und ihr Stifter Bernhard von Kraiburg’, in Regenbacher, F., ed., Festschrift Eugen Stollreither. Zum 7.5. Gehurtstag gewidmet von Fachkollegen, Schülern, Freunden (Erlangen, 1950), pp. 219–39Google Scholar at p. 220. Bernhard never used his father’s family name, and he matriculated at the University of Vienna as Bernhard ‘Kaufmann’, cf.Wagner, H. and Klein, H., ‘Salzburgs Domherren von 1300 bis 1514’, Milleilungen der Gesellschaftfür Salzburger Landeskunde, 92 (1952), pp. 1–81Google Scholar, at p. 28.

⁷⁰ On his career as bishop of Chiemsee cf. E. Wallner, Das Bistum Chiemsee im Mittelaller (1215-1508) = Quellen und DarsteUungen zur Geschichte der Stadi uni des Lanikreises Rosenheim, 5 (Rosenheim, 1967), pp. 112—14,227—47. On his humanist contacts—he figured as one of the disputants in the philosophical discussion ‘De possest’ of Nicholas Cusanus—cf. W. M. Bauer, ‘Die Schriften des Bernhard von Kraiburg. Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklung der früh-humanisrischen Rhetorik in österreich’, Sprachkunst. Internationale Beiträge zur Literaturwissenschaft 2, Heft 2-3 (1971), pp. 117-72, and ‘Bernhard von Kraiburg’, in Verfasserlexikon, 1, cols 769-71.

⁷¹ Aschbach, J., Geschichte der Wiener Universität im ersten Jahrhunderte ihres Bestehens. Festschrift zu ihrer fünfhundertjährigen Gründungsfeier (Vienna, 1865), p. 598.Google Scholar

⁷² Cf. Ruf, ‘Eine altbayerische, Gelehrtenbibliothek’, pp. 226ff.; Holter, K., ‘Beispiele von Graphik in Handschriften’, Die graphischen Künste, Neue Folge 4, Heft 2/3 (1939), pp. 41–6.Google Scholar

⁷³ Ruf, ‘Eine altbayerische Gelehrtenbibliothek’, p. 227. On the device AEIOV, cf. A. Lhotsky, ‘AEIOU, die “Devise” Kaiser Friedrichs III. und sein Notizbuch’, MIÖG, 60 (1952), pp. 156-93. For numerous examples of the use of this device cf. the exhibition catalogue Frieirich III., Kaiserresidenz Wiener Neustait, 28. Mai bis 30. October 1966 = Katalog des Nieierösterreichischen Laniesmuseums, Neue Folge, 29 (Vienna, 1966).

⁷⁴ Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 5429 (containing Petrarca, De remediis utriusque fortunae) was copied in Vienna in 1422 by Michael ‘de Iglawia’; Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, cvp 5294 (containing a complete text of the Policraticus by John of Salisbury, has (fol. 60rb) a note of ownership to the effect that it was ‘comparata per Jeorigum Akcherl pro tunc studentem Wiennen. Anno domini 1422’. But the main text was not (as Ruh, p. 231) written by the same hand.

⁷⁵ Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, cvp 5468, completed in Vienna ‘in die sancti Gallo (= 16 October 1437) in domo Joannis de Argentina in camera posteriori’ contains the Glossa Clementinarum by the Benedictine canonist Nicholas de Tudeschis, ‘Panormitanus’.

⁷⁶ Ruf, ‘Eine altbayerische Gelehrtenbibliothek’, pp. 228ff. On becoming Bishop of Chiemsee Bernhard incorporated his personal seal with the motto ‘ONOYS’ to the right of the episcopal coat-of-arms, cf. Wallner, Das Bistum Chiemsee, pp. 237ff.

⁷⁷ This manuscript, now Salzburg, University Library cod. MII 303, is in many external respects similar to Peter Gereŭter’s text now in Brixen. From fol. 8 onwards the watermark is regularly that of a Moor’s head, which is recorded as in use in the Tyrol c.1424-32, and was common in works produced in the scriptoria in Hall. Gereŭter used it consistendy for the three-volume sermon-cycle of Jordanus de Quedlinburg (see n. 40 above), and sporadically—as if using up old stock—in Brixen, Diocesan Seminary, Cod. 1. Cf. C. M. Briquet, Les Filigranes. Dictionnaire historique Jes marques du papierdès leur apparation vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600, 2nd edn (Leipzig, 1923), 4, p. 789, no. 15606 (with minor variations).

⁷⁸ Cod. MII 303, fol.210vb.

⁷⁹ Ibid., fols 454ra-61ra.

⁸⁰ Ibid., fols 462r-81r.

⁸¹ Bernhard often demonstrated formidable legal talent, as when, in 1460, his intervention on behalf of citizens of Hallein against the provost of Berchtesgaden in a difficult case involving salt export-rights proved decisive. The author thanks Dr Peter F. Kramml, University of Salzburg, for sharing information derived from his forthcoming study, ‘Geschichte der Propstei Berchtesgaden im Spätmittelalter’ (working tide).

⁸² Now Salzburg, University Library, Cod. M II 34s. For further details of the attribution cf. Zumkeller, Manuskripte, p. 71.

⁸³ Printed, without any aspirations to a critical edition, by Chmel, J., Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschajten, philosophisch-historische Classe, 5 (1850), pp. 663–6.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Cod. M II 85, a mid-fifteenth century paper MS, with few marginalia or other indications of having been read.

⁸⁵ The text ends at fol. 185V and the rest of the gathering was left blank.

⁸⁶ Ibid., fol. 1r.

⁸⁷ Now Vienna, Dominican convent, Cod. 119/86, it contains a single work, the complete text of the Stimma de ecclesiastica potestate.

⁸⁸ Frank, I. W. O.P., Hausstudium und Untversitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500 = Archiv für österreichische Geschichte, 127 (Vienna, 1968), esp. pp. 81ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ The dean, Johann Fluk von Pfullendorf, had omitted to note the admission of these two in the Acta of the faculty of theology, and when Ebendorfer subsequendy became dean (his first term of office was 1428), he rectified the omission, and added the information that he was assigned to lecture on the Gospel according to St John, while his Dominican colleague was allotted the Book of Genesis, cf. P. Uiblein, ed., Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät da Universität Wien (1396-1508) (Vienna, 1978), p. 35a On Rotstock cf. Th. Kaeppeli, O.P., Scriplores Ordini; Praedicalorum Medii Aevi, 2, G-I (Rome, 197s5), pp. 216-18; Frank, Haussludium, esp. pp. 206—22, and ad indicem, and Leonhard Hunlpichler, ad indicem. Cf. also now Strnad, A. A. and Walsh, K., ‘Basel als Katalysator. Persönliche und geistige Kontakte der habsburgischen Erbländer im Umfeld des Konzils’, in Roller, H. and Rück, P., eds, Die Eidgenossen und ihre Nachbarn in Deutschland und Österreich (Sigmaringen, 1991).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Frank, Leonhard Huntpichler, pp. 126ff. Cf. further Stieber, Pope Eugenius IV, pp. 83, 105.7.

⁹¹ Cod. 119/86, fols 19r, 21r, 356r, 434r.

⁹² Ibid., fol. 19r.

⁹³ Ibid., fol. 18vb.

⁹⁴ Ibid., fol. 19r.

⁹⁵ Cf. n. 86 above.

⁹⁶ Ed. Löhr, G., ‘Epistolae magistri Henrici Rotstock O.P. missae ex concilio Basiliensi anno domini 1439 ad facultatem theologicam universitatis Viennensis’, Analectas. Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum, 19 (1929/30), pp. 39–46, 86–91.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Cf.Häfele, G.M., Franz von Retz. Ein Beitrag zur Gelehrtengeschichte des Dominikanerordens und der Wiener Universitä am Ausgang des Mittelalters (Innsbruck, Vienna, and Munich, 1918), p. 335.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Frank, Hausstudium, p. 207.

⁹⁹ Ibid., citing Löhr, ‘Epistolae’, p. 40.

¹⁰⁰ E.g. in cod. 119/86, at fols 18v, 218v, 435V.

¹⁰¹ Cited in Frank, Hausstudium, p. 206, cf. also Uiblein, Die Akten, p. 102.

¹⁰² For further details, ibid., pp. xxvif. for the list of deans, and ibid., p. 649 (index).

¹⁰³ In the most extensive note of possession in Cod. 119/86, at fol. 19r.

¹⁰⁴ Frank, Hausstudium, pp. 87f., referring explicitly to the letters from Basle of 1439. However, Rotstock must have been inclined to such comparisons at a much earlier date, and on 23 April 1423 he had received payment from the theological faculty ‘pro reportandis instrumenris super consuetudine aliarum universitatum servanda in promocione doctorandorum in theologia’: cf. Uiblein, Die Akten, p. 103.

¹⁰⁵ Frank, Hausstudium, pp. 207ff.

¹⁰⁶ For a different interpretation cf. Srieber, Pope Eugenius IV, p. 83, who regarded Rotstock as the ‘envoy’ of the University of Vienna during ‘the crucial years 1439 and 1440’.

¹⁰⁷ On Rotstock’s pro-conciliar activities, see Frank, Leonhard Huntpichler, pp. 126ff.

¹⁰⁸ Stieber, Pope Eugenius IV, p. 151. On Ludovicus, cf. P. Falcone, Ludovico Portano e la sua attività al Concilio di Basilea 1436-1430 (Spoleto, 1934); P. Nardi, Mariano Sozzini, giureconsulto senese del quattrocento = Quaderni di ‘Studi senesi’, 32 (Milan, 1974), ad indicem. For a rather sceptical view of his talents from the pen of the future pope Pius II, cf.Kisch, G., Enea Silvio Piccolomini und die Jurisprudent (Basle, 1967), pp. 77f.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Now Vienna, Dominican Convent, Cod. 195/60.

¹¹⁰ For example, ibid., fol. 34v: ‘emptus per me magistrum Henricum Roitstock de Colonia ord. pred. sacre cheologye professorem studii Wiennensis in sacro concilio Basiliensi anno 1439 in die sancri Jacobi apostoli (= 25 July) in Castro beate virginis Marie’, and a similar formula on a separate folio inserted before fol. 43. Cited also in Frank, Leonhard Huntpichler, p. 183.

¹¹¹ Frank, Leonhard Huntpichler, pp. 182-5, discusses these questiones, and the same author’s Questiones de iurisdictione ecclesiastica, in their chronological relationship with Huntpichler’s main ecclesiological work, the Tractatus de auctoritate ecclesiastica.

¹¹² In addition to Lhotsky, Thomas Ebendorfer, cf.Zimmermann, H., Thomas Ebendorfers Schismentraktat = Archivfiir osterreichische Geschichte, 120/2 (Vienna, 1954)Google Scholar; Jaroschka, W., ‘Thomas Ebendorfer als Theoretiker des Konziliarismus’, MIÖG, 71 (1963), pp. 87–98Google Scholar; Schmidinger, H., ‘Begegnungen Thomas Ebendorfers auf dem Konzil von Basel’, in Fischer, R. et al., ed., Festschrift Oskar Vasello zum 60. Geburtstag überreicht von Schülem una Freunden (Fribourg, 1964), pp. 171–9Google Scholar; Uiblein, P., ‘Epilegomena zur Neuausgabe der Cronica Austrie Thomas Ebendorfers’, Unsere Heimat, 40 (1969), pp. 1–23Google Scholar, provides a number of additions and corrections, also with regard to the edition of Ebendorfer on the papal schism, in Zimmermann (as above); Frank, I. W., ‘Thomas Ebendorfers Obödienzansprache am 11. September 1447 in der Wiener Stephanskirehe: Ein Beirrag zum “Konziliarismus” des Wiener Theologen’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum, 7 (1975), pp. 314–53Google Scholar, and Leonhard Huntpichler, pp. 137-81, summarizes and evaluates the conflicting positions on Ebendorfer’s conciliarist views. Frank draws attention (pp. 168ff.) to Ebendorfer’s opinion—when faced with the respective claims of Eugenius IV and Felix V to be regarded as the only legitimate pope—that the Church could manage for a while without any recognized pope, a view which was diametrically opposed to that of Huntpichler. Ebendorfer’s arguments recall diose of Augusrinus de Ancona, in De potatale collegii, cf. Wilks, The Problem, pp. 486f.

¹¹³ Frank, Leonhard Huntpichler, esp. pp. 284-318.

¹¹⁴ Ibid., p. 183.

¹¹⁵ Cod. 119/86, passim; Henry of Ghent is cited not merely with regard to the conflict over ecclesiastical authority—on his views cf. Wilks, The Problem, p. 476—but also on the pursuit of personal perfection, e.g. Stimma, chs 97,108, here fols 370r, 416v.

¹¹⁶ Cf.Stella, P. T., ed., Magistri Petri de Palude O.P. Tractatus de potestate papae = Textus et studia in historiam scholasticae, 2 (Zurich, 1966)Google Scholar; Hervaeus Natalis, De potestate papae (printed in Paris for Jean Petit, 1506, and as an appendix to his commentary on the Sentences, also in Paris, 1647). Cf. Kaeppeli, Scriptores, 2, pp. 231—44, esp. pp. 241f.; ibid., 3 (1980), pp. 243-9 (Petrus de Palude), pp. 261-4 (Petrus de Tarentaise).

¹¹⁷ E.g. ch. 29, here fol. 138r, dealing with indulgences and, among other aspects, with the right of a pope in mortal sin to proclaim indulgences.

¹¹⁸ In addition to the rides cited in n. 112 above, see Zimmermann, H., ‘Papstabsetzungen des Mittelalters I’, MIÖG, 69 (1961), pp. 1–84Google Scholar; ‘II’, ibid., 69 (1961), pp. 241-91; ‘III’, ibid., 70 (1962), pp. 60-110; IV, ibid., 72 (1964), pp. 74-109, esp. p. 109 and n.

¹¹⁹ Zimmermann, H., ‘Die Absetzung der Päpste auf dem Konstanzer Konzil. Theorie und Praxis’, in Franzen, A. and Müller, W., eds, Das Konzil von Konstanz. Beitrage zu seiner Gachichu und Théologie (Freiburg, Basle, and Vienna, 1964), pp. 113–37.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Cod. 119/86, fol. 18v.

¹²¹ Cf. Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (Leipzig, 1925ff.), nos 3050-4.

¹²² This incunable and several manuscripts from his possession are now in the University Library, Innsbruck. However, the larger part of his library, including six manuscripts—among them the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine—is now in the University Library, Padua, cf. Neuhauser, Die Schnalser Handschriften, esp. pp. 212f. Conrad Crabler, who had been parish priest in the same place since at least 1453, appears to have made a donation to the Carthusians in 1479. All his books, including the incunable of Augusrinus de Ancona, have the same inscription (with minor variations): ‘Iste liber est domus monrJs omnium angelorum in Snals ordinis Carthusiensis, quern eidem dedit dominus Conradus Crabler plebanus in Wolmosen, spem habens in oracionibus et mentis et promissione prions et fratrum eiusdem loci, MCCC79.’ The identification of ‘Wolmosen’ is a problem even for those more competent in the fields of Tyrolean place-names than the present writer, but Villnöss (north of Bozen/Bolzano, South Tyrol) seems the most plausible solution.

¹²³ This dedication is missing from the Innsbruck copy, but cf. Gesamtkatalog, n. 3052. It was replaced in this copy by a late sixteenth-century note of possession for Neusrift, with details of this dedication.

¹²⁴ On this observant circle at Santa Maria del Popolo, cf.Walsh, K., ‘Päpstliche Kurie und Reformideologie am Beispiel von Santa Maria del Popolo in Rom. Die Augustiner-Observanten im Spannungsfeld zwischen Borgia und Della Rovere’, AHP, 20 (1982), pp. 129–61Google Scholar, with extensive references.

¹²⁵ Geldner, F., Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker. Ein Handbuch der deutschen Buchdrucker des XV. Jahrhunderts nach Orten, II: Die fremden Sprachgebiete (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 85fGoogle Scholar. The printing of Augusdnus de Ancona is cited here as one of the few works completed by him in Venice.

¹²⁵ Confessor to Pope Sixtus IV, he preached the funeral oration for this Pope, cf.McManamon, J. M., ‘The ideal Renaissance Pope: Funeral Oratory from the Papal Court’, AHP, 14 (1976), pp. 9–70Google Scholar, at p. 18, though the author was unable to locate a text of this sermon. Cf. also Perini, Bibliographia Augustiniana, 1, esp. p. 197.

¹²⁷ Frenz, T., Die Kanzlei der Päpste der Hochrenaissance (1471-1327) = Bibliothek des Deulschen Historischen Instituis in Rom, 63 (Tübingen, 1986), p. 356.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Nicholas Leopold(i) obtained this canonry in 1515 on the recommendation of the Emperor Maximilian I and the Archbishop of Salzburg, Cardinal Martthäus Lang, and retained it until his death on 3 October 1535, cf. K. Wolfsgruber, Dos Brixner Domkapitel in seinerpersönlichen Zusammensetzung in der Neuzeit 1500-1803 = Schlem-Schriften, 80 (Innsbruck, 1951), p. 170, and ad indicem.

¹²⁹ Johann Leopoldi appears c. 1528 as secretary in the royal chancery of King Ferdinand I in the circle around the humanist Dr Johannes Cuspinian, then charged with the reform of the University of Vienna, cf. H. Ankwicz-Kleehoven, Der Wiener Humanist Johannes Cuspinian, Gelehrter und Diplomat zur Zeit Kaiser Maximilians I. (Graz and Cologne, 1959), p. 252.

¹³⁰ Although a number of books signed ‘ex libris Hieronymi Leopoldi’ have been located in the University Library, Innsbruck, which had formerly belonged to the Augustinian canons in Neusrift, they have not yet been studied in detail.