¹ The following abbreviations will be used: BW: Molhuysen, P.C., Briefwisseling van Hugo Grotius, 1597–1618 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1928).Google Scholar — CC: Clark, George N. and van Eysinga, Willem J.M., The Colonial Conferences between England and the Netherlands in 1613 and 1615, Part I (Leiden: E J. Brill, 1940).Google Scholar — CE: Clark, G.N. and van Eysinga, W.J.M., The Colonial Conferences beween England and the Netherlands, Part II (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1951).Google Scholar — Coolhaas: Coolhaas, W.P., “Een bron voor het historische gedeelte van Hugo de Groots De jure praedae”, Bijdragen en Mededelingen van het Historisch Genootschap 79 (1965): 415–537.Google Scholar — DJB: Grotius, Hugo, De lure Belli ac pads Libri tres, in quibus ius naturae et gentium, item iuris publici praecipua explicantur, ed. Molhuysen, P.C. (Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1919).Google Scholar — DJP1868: Grotius, H., De Jure Praedae Commentarius, ed. Hamaker, H.G. (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1868). — DJP 1964Google Scholar: Grotius, Hugo, De Jure Praedae Commentarius. Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty. A Translation of the Original Manuscript of 1604, trans. Williams, Gladys L. and Zeydel, Walter H. (New York: Oceana Publishing, 1964).Google Scholar — DSP: Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden, Ms. Cod. B.P.L. 922, Hugo Grotius: Collectanea Autographa, “De Societate Publica cum lnfidelibus”, Ms. 314–17.

— EIP: The Hague, Rijksarchief, “Recueil concernent les voyages des Hollandais aux Indes Orientales, la Compagnie des Indies, etc. 1600–1616” (East India Papers). — REL: Francisco de Vitoria, Relectiones Theologicae XII (Lyon, 1557). — Tex: J. den Tex, Oldenvarnevelt, 5 vols. (Haarlem-Groningen: H.D. Tjeenk Willink & Zoon, 1960–72). — All dates are, or have been adjusted to, the Gregorian Calendar (New Style). In this article Johor and its ruler are referred to as a “kingdom” and the “King” respectively. This practice is in line with references to Johor in Dutch, German, and Portuguese sources of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

² These are described in: Tiele, Pieter A., Catalogue des manuscrits autographes de Hugo Grotius dont la vente a eu lieu à La Haye le 15. Novembre 1864 sous la direction et au domicile de Martinus Nijhoff, second edition with comments by van Eysinga, Willem J.M. (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1952),Google Scholar part I: “Recueil concernant les voyages des Hollandais aux Indes Orientales, la Compagnie des Indes, etc. 1600–1616”; Smelt, W.E., Inventarisse van Rijks- en andere archieven van rijkwege uitgegeven, vol. 1, no. 3 (The Hague, 1928), p. 73.Google Scholar

³ For a preliminary study of this fragment, see Peter Borschberg, “‘De Societate Publica cum Infidelibus’: Ein Frühwerk von Hugo Grotius, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Rom. Abt., 115 (1998): 355–93.Google Scholar

⁴ Boxer, Charles R., Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550–1770. Fact and Fancy in the History of Macao (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1948), p. 50.Google Scholar

⁵ Concerning the Mennonites who held shares in the company and particularly objected to the application of violence, cf. Tuck, R. in: The Cambridge History of Political Thought 1450–1700, ed. Burns, James H. and Goldie, Mark A. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 504.Google Scholar

⁶ A copy of the sentence in German translation is reprinted as appendix B in DJP 1964, pp. 375–79.

⁷ DJP 1964, p. 378.

⁸ Den Tex claims that the instructions came from Oldenbarnevelt who had previously defended a similar case; cf. Tex IV, p. 172.

⁹ BW 54, p. 45.

¹⁰ BW 53, p. 44.

¹¹ BW 54, p. 45.

¹² See DJP 1868, reference in note 1.

¹³ Cf. the letter of 4 Nov. 1608, BW 146, pp. 128–29.

¹⁴ CC, pp. 83, 84, 86.

¹⁵ Grotius was originally not supposed to participate at this conference, but he was suggested as a deputy shortly before the delegation set out for London; BW 256, pp. 229–30; Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers, C.P., March 26, 1613, no. 641, p. 251. “Sir Ralph Winwood to the King: Three Comissioneres ready to depart for England, to treat with the Governor and Company of East India merchants, two burgomasters, Pavius of Amsterdam and Boreel of Middleburg, and Meerman one of the echevins of Delft. Grotius, pensionary of Rotterdam accom-panies them by order of the States.”

¹⁶ Winwood conveyed an unfavourable impression of Grotius, not least during the latter's visit to London. Cf. Winwood, Ralph, Memorials of Affairs of State in the Reign of Elizabeth and James I, ed. Sawyer, E. 3 vols. (London: T. Ward, 1725).Google Scholar

¹⁷ CC, p. 85.

¹⁸ Tex III pp. 311–12.

¹⁹ Letter of Caron to the States General of 6 Apr. 1613, CC, p. 89.

²⁰ See for example: London, PRO, SP 105/95, letter of Archbishop George Abbot (1562–1633) to Sir Dudley Carleton ([1559–1628], then serving as English Ambassador to the United Provinces), 6 Jan. 1617, fol. 1 v°: “He [Grotius] is a person much prejudged amongst us for a busy and factious fellow, and the higher opinion he hath of himselfe, the more unworthily wee esteeme of him. And this is not onely the conceite of our merchants who have had to do with him, but of some learned men and that of the highest ranke, for an olde and skirvy pranke parte which he played with my Lord of Ely at his last being in England. Wee hold him no true man of his worde, but apt to faine and lye which is a pranke very unfitt for civill societie.”

²¹ Calendar of State Papers, C.P., no. 642, p. 252. The British delegates are mentioned in the Verbael (Report) of Grotius written at the end of his mission dated 24 May 1613 and printed in BW, pp. 628–29.

²² CC, p. 58, Letter of Ralph Winwood to the Count of Salisbury, 30 Mar. 1612: “Concerning the grievance of our East Indian-marchantes, … o[u]r Marchantes did not demaund reparacon for the wrongs they formerly have suffered, but assurance that hereafter they peaceably might trade….” (See also pp. 49, 51–52).

²³ CE, p. 130. The Dutch language text of the accord concluded in July 1617 is reprinted in Lieuwe van Aitzema's Saken van staet en oorlogh inde omtrent de Vereenigde Nederlanden, vol. 1 (The Hague, 1669), pp. 206ff. For a summary of these negotiations and their outcome, see Chaudhuri, K. N., The English East India Company. The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company 1600–1640 (London: F. Cass, 1965), pp. 49–50.Google Scholar

²⁴ …Waerop wy insonderheyt verthoont hebben de grootheyt ende noodwendigheit van de costen” (CC, p. 143).

²⁵ The emphasis on covering costs is evident from Grotius' Verbael of 1613 (BW, pp. 627, 632, 634). However, it is also clear from this document that the English counterparts, especially Daniel Donne (†1617), had their doubts about the veracity not only of the alleged costs, but also of the virtue of “defending the natives”. See also CC, p. 143.

²⁶ Ibid., p. 91; cf. also Calendar SP, CP, no. 645, p. 252.

²⁷ Calendar SP, CP, 12 Jan. 1615, no. 860, p. 364.

²⁸ Alexandrowicz, Charles H., An Introduction to the Law of Nations in the East Indies (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), pp. 61–65;Google ScholarAnand, Ram P., Origin and Development of the Law of the Sea: History of International Law Revisited (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1982), p. 5;Google ScholarMathew, Kazhippalli S., “Trade in the Indian Ocean and the Portuguese System of Cartazes”, in The First Portuguese Colonial Empire, ed. Newitt, Malyn (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1986), p. 73.Google Scholar

²⁹ Island to the Northeast of Manado on Sulawesi.

³⁰ EIP, fols. 344–45, 361–62, 364v°, 365–66, 425v°, 430.

³¹ Cf. note 3.

³² See the parallel account in Grotius, Hugo: Annales et Historiae de Rebus Belgicis (Amsterdam: W. Blaeu, 1658), p. 468. — The pages relevant to the Heemskerk expedition are found in Coolhaas, pp. 516ff.Google Scholar

³³ Ibid., pp. 526–27. According to Heemskerk's testimony, Raja Bongsu had proceeded to Patani in order to wed a wife.

³⁴ DJP 1964, p. 213; DJP 1868, p. 202; Coolhaas, p. 528.

³⁵ DJP 1964, p.213; DJP 1868, p. 202; Coolhaas, pp. 527–28; Discours, Fol. 457v°: “… hebben die van Malacca drie oorlochschepen ende 4 ofte 5 fasten opden hoeck van Jor gesonden….”

³⁶ According to Heemskerk's testimony, he was invited by Raja Bongsu and the Sultan to prey on the Sta. Catarina near the mouth of the Johor River (Coolhaas, pp. 528–29).

³⁷ DJP 1964, p. 214; DJP 1868, p. 203.

³⁸ ”[The supercargo Jacob] Buyzen added, besides, that Radja Bongsoe, the brother of the King, intended to come very soon on board … and remain there till their joint efforts should have vanquished the Portuguese; it was this very Radja Bongsoe who was with Admiral Heemskerk when he had captured the carrack [i.e. the Sta. Catarina] already mentioned”. See “François Valentyn's Account of Malacca”, trans. Hervey, D. F. A., Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Straits Branch 16 (1885): 128.Google Scholar

³⁹ For details concerning the legal foundations of this “papal donation”, see also note 74. On the invalidity of the donation, see Vitoria's historically seminal exposition in REL.

⁴⁰ “India” is used here in its original sense, i.e. all territory that spreads East of the Indus River.

⁴¹ DJP 1964, p. 314; DJP 1868, p. 297.

⁴² DJP 1964, p. 315; DJP 1868, p. 298.

⁴³ The general principle expounded by Vitoria is known as the ius communicandi (right of [free] communication). This concept is understood to encompass several forms of communication, including the right of free trade, free access to all ports and cities, and free travel, as well as the right to unimpeded dissemination of information. See REL, III §1; R. García-Mateo, “Universelles Völkerrecht. Francisco de Vitorias Anschauung einer Weltgemeinschaft”, Stimmen der Zeit 59:210 (1992): 834–35; Herdández, R., Derechos Humanos en Francisco de Vitoria (Salamanca: Editorial San Esteban, 1984), pp. 51–53Google Scholar; Deckers, D., Gerechtigkeit und Recht. Eine historisch-kritische Untersuchung der Gerechtigkeitslehre des Francisco de Vitoria (Freiburg: Herder Verlag, 1991), pp. 261–70;Google ScholarRedondo, L. Redondo, Utopia Vitoriana y realidad Indiana (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1992), pp. 156–61.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See the principles expounded in: Ulpian D. 49.15.24; Pomponius, D. 50.16.118. On the specific preconditions of Grotius' just public war, cf. Borschberg, Peter, “‘De Pace’ Ein unveröffentlichtes Fragment von Hugo Grotius über Krieg und Frieden”, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte, Rom. Abt., 113 (1996): 279–83.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ DJP 1964, pp. 314–15; DJP 1868, p. 297.

⁴⁶ DJP 1964, pp. 315–16; DJP 1868, pp. 298–99.

⁴⁷ Cf. Coolhaas, pp. 528–29.

⁴⁸ Villiers, John, “Doing Business with the Infidel: Merchants, Missionaries and Monarchs in Sixteenth Century Southeast Asia”, in Maritime Asia. Profit Maximisation, Ethics and Trade Structure, c. 1300–1800, ed. Sprengard, Karl A. and Ptak, Roderick (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994), pp. 162, 168.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Nys, Ernest, Les origines du droit international (Bruxelles: A. Castaigne, 1894), p. 162.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The English subsequently signed a treaty of trade with the Ottoman Sultan in 1579.

⁵¹ Matt. 4:43; Luke 10:29; Augustine of Hippo: De Doctrina Christiana, 1.30.32; F. Arias de Valderas, De Bello et eius iustitia, § 192; Panormitanus: Commentary to Deer. 3.84.8, §15; REL I.2., §§15, 17, pp. 368–71; a parallel reference is found in DJB 2.20.10.2, p. 373.

⁵² In another work, Grotius himself stipulates that Christians, even if they be of different confessions, are obliged to enter into leagues and alliances to fend off known enemies of the Christian religion; cf. DJB 2.15.8–12, pp. 303–309.

⁵³ DJP 1964, p. 315, DJP 1868, p. 298. For Grotius' specific references and parallel discussions: Gen. 14:13, 21:27, 26:29; I Sam. 22:3, 27:1–4; II Sam. 5:11; I Kings 3:1, 5:1, 5:11–12, 9:12; I Mace. 8:18; Matt. 5:45; Luke 10:33ff.; Augustine of Hippo: De Doctrina Christiana, 1.30.32; DJP, p. 298; DJB, 2.15.9.2, p. 304; 2.15.9.4, p. 305; 2.15.9.6, pp. 305–306; 2.20.10.2, p. 373.

⁵⁴ Grotius' contemporary and one of the “fathers” of the modern science of politics, Johannes Althusius (1557–1638), in his historically influential Politica Methodice Digesta (3rd edition of 1614) clearly warns of forging alliances with peoples and rulers of different religious beliefs as they are “dubious and extremely dangerous” (see Althusius, Johannes, Politica Methodice Digesta, ed. Friedrich, Carl J. [Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1932]), ch. 25, §22, p. 233Google Scholar: “An alliance concluded with infidels is doubtful and very dangerous.” Alliances and pacts should be concluded on the basis of shared customs and values (similitudo morum) (ch. 17, §§25, p. 127). Francisco Seraphim de Freitas (1570–1622), an avowed adversary of Grotius' Freedom of the Seas, laments in his De Justo Imperio Lusitanorum Asiatico (Valladolid, 1625) that “[I]t is deplorable … that the Dutch conclude alliances with the Turks and infidels for mutual assistance by supply of weapons, troops and armies … the prohibition of such alliances is based on divine law….” (cited in Alexandrowicz, An Introduction to the Law of Nations, p. 57).

⁵⁵ DJP 1964, p. 314; DJP 1868, p. 297.

⁵⁶ Cf. note 38.

⁵⁷ DJB 1868, p. 298.

⁵⁸ DJP 1964, p. 316; DJP 1868, p. 29

⁵⁹ DJP 1964, p. 316; DJP 1868, p. 299; emphasis added.

⁶⁰ DJP 1964, p. 316; D P 1868, p. 299.

⁶¹ DJP 1964, pp. 212–13; DJP 1868, pp. 201–202.

⁶² Leonard Andaya, The Kingdom of Johor, 1641–1728. Economic and Political Developments (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1975), p. 26.

⁶³ Smelt, Inventarisse, p. 87: “Fol. 524–531. Copy of a letter by Cornells Matelief de Jonge [c.1570–1632], dated 31 August 1610 in which he gives testimony that Jacatra should be preferred to Johor as.the [new] seat of the Governor-General.” This document features marginalia in Grotius' hand.

⁶⁴ Borschberg, “De Societate Publica”, pp. 392–93.

⁶⁵ Ibid., pp. 365–67, 371.

⁶⁶ For the sources and passages identified, see Ibid., pp. 356–68.

⁶⁷ DSP, Fol. 314r°.

⁶⁸ DJP 1868, pp. 205–206; DJP 1964, p. 218.

⁶⁹ DSP, fol. 315r°. This particular passage from the Sermon on the Mount is also a favourite among the authors of the School of Salamanca, cf. REL, p. 293; D. de Soto, De Justitia et Jure Libri Decent (Salamanca: Andreas Portonaris, 1556), book 4, qu. 2, p. 287B. Seneca's De Beneficiis, 4.23.1 advances a similar point, and Grotius applies the citation again in DJB 2.15.10.1, p. 307 in an almost identical context.

⁷⁰ DSP, fol. 314v°.

⁷¹ Cf. Alexandrowicz, An Introduction to the Law of Nations, p. 54.

⁷² DSP, fol. 314r°. Cf. Thomas Aquinas' Summa Theologiae, Secunda Secundae, qu. 10, art. 10, respondeo; and Grotius' related thoughts in DJP 1868, p. 209 and DJP 1964, p. 221. In the margin, Grotius credits as his immediate source D. de Covarrubias y Leyva's “Relectio in Regula Peccatum”. This work is contained in his Opera Omnia (Frankfurt am Main, 1570), vol. 2, §10, no. 2, p. 509, and nos. 4–5, p. 510.

⁷³ Alexandrowicz, An Introduction to the Law of Nations, p. 55 note 2.

⁷⁴ Portugal's claims rested chiefly on a series of donations issued by successive Popes of the fifteenth century, including Martin V (1417–31), Nicholas V (1447–55), Eugene IV (1431–47) and last but certainly not least, Alexander VI (1431–1503).

⁷⁵ DJP 1868, pp. 206–208; DJP 1964, pp. 221–22.

⁷⁶ An indication that he contended with this and similar issues is found in chapter 2 of De Jure Praedae. In the context of disputing Portugal's claims to the East Indies by historic precedence, Grotius wrote the words: “Alia enim India, alia Americana ratio esf (Tlie case of India and America are different). He subsequently deleted this sentence in the manuscript. (Alexandrowicz, An Introduction to the Law of Nations, p. 47 note 1.)

⁷⁷ Tuck, Richard, Hobbes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 20ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ DSP, fol. 314v°. Ulpian D. 1.1.10.1; Inst. 1.1.3.

⁷⁹ Ibid.

⁸⁰ Gal. 6:10; DSP, fol. 315r°. — Cf. also: DSP, fol. 314r°.

⁸¹ DSP, fol. 315v°, citing Juvenal Sat. 14.14.103–4; the reference is also repeated in DJB 2.15.9.3, p. 304.

⁸² I Tim. 6:1; Codex Theodosianus 16.9.4; Summa Theologiae, 2a-2ae, qu. 10, art 9. From these passages it becomes clear that Christians are permitted to enter into the service of non-Christians, and are even allowed to employ non-Christian servants. However, in the event that these relationships should affect one's faith, the service should be terminated, viz. the servant dismissed.

⁸³ DSP, fol. 313r°. Cf. also DJP 1868, p. 65; DJP 1964, p. 65, and Grotius' elaborations on the offensive and defensive alliances in DJB 2.15.6.3, pp. 302–303.

⁸⁴ DSP, notes, fol. 316v°, featuring references to pp. 368 and 370 of the first edition of REL.

⁸⁵ REL, §15, pp. 368–69.

⁸⁶ Ibid., §17, pp. 370–71.

⁸⁷ Gen. 14:13.

⁸⁸ Cf. the citation in note 53 (DJP 1964, p. 315; DJP 1868, p. 298) and its translation in the main text.

⁸⁹ Similar arguments would be used again during the Colonial Conference at The Hague, as is evident from CC, pp. 253–54, Verbael of the Dutch delegates from early May 1615.

⁹⁰ CC, 191; CE, p. 105.

⁹¹ Cf. the VOC's Remonstrance of 1612 in CC, pp. 63f.; see also p. 72.

⁹² Ibid., pp. 49, 103, 106. Ironically, the delegates quoted from Grotius' anonymously published Mare Liberum (Freedom of the Seas) of 1609 to underscore the validity of their legal claims! CC, pp. 116, 120.

⁹³ For this reason Dutch documents speak of coophandel met force, meaning there can be no trade without the support of armed intervention (CC, pp. 61,97,127–28). The origins of this policy are explained in terms of Portugal's desire to expel the Dutch from the East Indies (pp. 99–100). In De Jure Praedae, Grotius claims that the Dutch were initially only interested in pursuing commercial aims, but were forced by the Portuguese into war. Cf. DJP 1868, pp. 263–64; D P 1964, p. 278.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ For this reason it was argued that the treaties of alliance with Asian rulers needed to be honoured by recourse to violence against Spain and Portugal: “[T]reaties cannot be preserved without recourse to war”. CC, p. 101; see also p. 128.

⁹⁵ Ibid., p. 100. The English were evidently not persuaded by this argument, as becomes clear from CC, p. 98. Note the opposite stance assumed by Grotius in Chapter XII of his De Jure Praedae: “…what could be more unjust than the complaint of the Portuguese that their own profits are drained away by the multitude of persons bidding against them?”. DJP 1868, p. 247; DJP 1864, p. 260.

⁹⁶ On the negative effects of the English competition, see CC, pp. 63–64.

⁹⁷ Ibid., p. 63.

⁹⁸ Ibid., pp. 92, 99.

⁹⁹ Ibid., p. 74.

¹⁰⁰ CE, p. 114; see also note 4: “War grounded on a just fear of invasion was called preventive and recognized as just.”

¹⁰¹ The English were evidently concerned that the Dutch wanted to pursue an offensive war under the guise and pretext of defending trade and the liberty of Asian kings and peoples; see CC, pp. 260, 262ff.

¹⁰² Ibid., pp. 74, 88, 91, 107, 118.

¹⁰³ Ibid., pp. 74–75.

¹⁰⁴ CE, p. 126, excerpt from the letter of George Cockayne dated 16 July 1615: “…if the English Company doth join with the Dutch, the hearts of the people of all of these countries [in the East Indies], which now doth love and affect us for our plain and honest proceedings, will then as much loathe us that we should join with those that hath and doth give shame and disgust to all places where they [i.e. the Hollanders] come.”

¹⁰⁵ Calendar, SP, CP, Feb. 24, 1614, no. 900, pp. 379–80, no. 901, p. 380; CC, pp. 104, 119–20, 191. Grotius personally concerned himself with the voyage of Drake and other Englishmen, such as Cavendish and Raleigh in the late sixteenth century (EIP, fol. 403).

¹⁰⁶ See Ambassador Winwood's memorandum added to the Resolution of the States-General of1 February 1612, CC, p. 49: “La liberté de commerce tire sa source du droict des gens la quelle n'est bornée ny des limites de lieu, ny de temps, ains passe librement part tout l'univers, et est communicable à tout le monde.”

¹⁰⁷ Cf. note 92.

¹⁰⁸ See the excerpt of the English memorandum cited in the Verbael of May 1615, CC, p. 261, point 3: “Par l'affranchissement du chemin au traficq avec les Chinois ou aucun autre peuple Indien qui refusera de traficquer avec l'un ou l'autre.”

¹⁰⁹ CC, pp. 116, 120.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., p. 98; Vinayagan s/o Dharmarajah, Hugo Grotius and the Concept of Free Trade in Southeast Asia (Singapore: National University of Singapore, 1997), pp. 44–57.

¹¹¹ The mood is also reflected in a comment added to the English translation of Grotius' final speech at the conference of 1613: “Their inviolable contracts if there be any, were forced from them [i.e. the Asian peoples] by violence and therefore no iniustice if they breake them” (CE, p. 73). See also the letter of George Cockayne of 16 July 1615: “Their [i.e. the Hollanders] proceedings is in blood and so they must continue. They have not enough to do with the Spaniards and Portigales, but they will make wars with all inhabitants where they come, which ere long they will not find profit but much sorrow and grief … the trade that comes by compulsion is not profitable … They have many castles with much trouble and little profit” (cited in CE, p. 126).

¹¹² CC, p. 120.

¹¹³ Ibid., p. 113.

¹¹⁴ Ibid., pp. 119–20.

¹¹⁵ Ibid., p. 109.

¹¹⁶ D. 2.14.1.pr.; Aristotle, Rhethorics, 1.15; Cicero, De Officiis, 3.24.92; CC, pp. 101, 119; CE, p. 105.

¹¹⁷ CC, p. 124; see also pp. 120, 254.

¹¹⁸ CE, p. 105.

¹¹⁹ Ibid., p. 73.

¹²⁰ These two attributes were commonly attributed by European authors to Asian peoples at the time. Cf. Althusius, Politica Methodice Digesta, chapter 23, §6, p. 201. See also Althusius’ remarks on East Asians (Orientals) in §3, p. 200, whom he describes in such flattering terms as “more urbane and humane”.

¹²¹ CE, p. 108.