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This chapter reassesses how norm studies around the three moves have advanced and limited our understanding of ambiguous and conflictive relations between norms. It focuses on a specific type of norm relation, a norm collision. Conflicting or incompatible social expectations regarding the appropriate behaviour of actors in a given situation characterise a norm collision. Adherence to one norm may then result in the breach of another. First, the chapter engages with the neglect or limited perspective of norm collisions in the three moves of norm research. Second, it illustrates how choosing a specific norm concept – as connected to each of the three ‘moves’ in norm research – matters for theorising and identifying norm collisions in and between dense and complex institutional frameworks and as a result of contestation. Third, it discusses how crises nurture norm collisions by destabilising agreed-upon norm balances. It uses the most recent transnational and domestic policy responses to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic as an example of how norms interact in practice and how a prioritisation of one norm may (negatively) affect another.
Do policy priorities that candidates emphasize during election campaigns predict their subsequent legislative activities? We study this question by assembling novel data on legislative leadership posts held by Japanese politicians and using a fine-tuned transformer-based machine learning model to classify policy areas in over 46,900 statements from 1270 candidate manifestos across five elections. We find that a higher emphasis on a policy issue increases the probability of securing a legislative post in the same area. This relationship remains consistent across multiple elections and persists even when accounting for candidates' previous legislative leadership roles. We also discover greater congruence in distributive policy areas. Our findings indicate that campaigns provide meaningful signals of policy priorities.
Bartels reviews recent research on political inequality, with particular emphasis on the grounding of empirical analyses in democratic theory. He distinguishes two types of inequality – of policy congruence and of influence – and surveys a variety of conceptual and methodological challenges arising in attempts to measure them. Congruence is the extent of agreement between citizens’ preferences and politicians’ choices, and assessing it requires careful calibration on both sides. Influence is the causal impact of citizens’ preferences on politicians’ choices, and assessing it raises much the same plethora of challenges involved in any complex causal inference. While research based upon these concepts is at an embryonic stage, studies in a variety of countries employing a variety of research designs suggest that inequality of influence is common and substantial, while inequality in congruence is generally more modest – a situation sometimes characterized as “democracy by coincidence.”
A notion of normal submonoid of a monoid M is introduced that generalizes the normal subgroups of a group. When ordered by inclusion, the set $\mathsf {NorSub}(M)$ of normal submonoids of M is a complete lattice. Joins are explicitly described and the lattice is computed for the finite full transformation monoids $T_n$, $n\geq ~1$. It is also shown that $\mathsf {NorSub}(M)$ is modular for a specific family of commutative monoids, including all Krull monoids, and that it, as a join semilattice, embeds isomorphically onto a join subsemilattice of the lattice $\mathsf {Cong}(M)$ of congruences on M. This leads to a new strategy for computing $\mathsf {Cong}(M)$ consisting of computing $\mathsf {NorSub}(M)$ and the so-called unital congruences on the quotients of M modulo its normal submonoids. This provides a new perspective on Malcev’s computation of the congruences on $T_n$.
While previous research has identified the performance implications of leaders’ positive implicit followership theories (IFTs, i.e., personal expectations regarding followers’ positive characteristics), this study focuses on the effect of leader–follower congruence in positive IFTs on followers’ job performance. To test our predictions, we conducted two complementary studies. The results of Study 1 (an experiment, N = 200) show that leader–follower congruence (versus incongruence) in positive IFTs is positively related to followers’ relational identification with the leader, which, in turn, is positively related to followers’ job performance. Moreover, followers’ uncertainty avoidance strengthens this relationship. These findings were replicated in Study 2 (a three-wave survey, N = 223) through polynomial regression and response surface analysis. This study improves our understanding of IFTs by showing that leader–follower congruence in this domain is related to followers’ outcomes.
Rawls’s argument that a well-ordered society would be a social union of social unions is crucial to his larger argument for stability. The former argument depends upon what I call “the security assumption.” I contend that reasonable religious pluralism casts doubt on the assumption and on the argument which appeals to it. Seeing why the dubitability of the security assumption makes the idea of a social union of social unions non-viable, we can come to a better understanding of the development of Rawls’s thought. Equally if not more important is the relevance of the security assumption for contemporary politics. That assumption identifies a condition that must be satisfied if members of a liberal democracy are to find their collective activity as citizens inherently valuable. Failure to satisfy that condition suggests why some members of liberal democracies as we know them deny the inherent value of relations with their fellow citizens.
We introduce self-divisible ultrafilters, which we prove to be precisely those $w$ such that the weak congruence relation $\equiv _w$ introduced by Šobot is an equivalence relation on $\beta {\mathbb Z}$. We provide several examples and additional characterisations; notably we show that $w$ is self-divisible if and only if $\equiv _w$ coincides with the strong congruence relation $\mathrel {\equiv ^{\mathrm {s}}_{w}}$, if and only if the quotient $(\beta {\mathbb Z},\oplus )/\mathord {\mathrel {\equiv ^{\mathrm {s}}_{w}}}$ is a profinite group. We also construct an ultrafilter $w$ such that $\equiv _w$ fails to be symmetric, and describe the interaction between the aforementioned quotient and the profinite completion $\hat {{\mathbb Z}}$ of the integers.
Several recent studies have found unequal policy responsiveness, meaning that the policy preferences of high-income citizens are better reflected in implemented policies than the policy preferences of low-income citizens. This has been found mainly in a few studies from the US and a small number of single-country studies from Western Europe. However, there is a lack of comparative studies that stake out the terrain across a broader group of countries. We analyze survey data on the policy preferences of about 3,000 policy proposals from thirty European countries over nearly forty years, combined with information on whether each policy proposal was implemented or not. The results from the cross-country data confirm the general pattern from previous studies that policies supported by the rich are more likely to be implemented than those supported by the poor. We also test four explanations commonly found in the literature: whether unequal responsiveness is exacerbated by (a) high economic inequality, (b) the absence of campaign finance regulations, (c) low union density, and (d) low voter turnout.
A semigroup S is said to be right pseudo-finite if the universal right congruence can be generated by a finite set $U\subseteq S\times S$, and there is a bound on the length of derivations for an arbitrary pair $(s,t)\in S\times S$ as a consequence of those in U. This article explores the existence and nature of a minimal ideal in a right pseudo-finite semigroup. Continuing the theme started in an earlier work by Dandan et al., we show that in several natural classes of monoids, right pseudo-finiteness implies the existence of a completely simple minimal ideal. This is the case for orthodox monoids, completely regular monoids, and right reversible monoids, which include all commutative monoids. We also show that certain other conditions imply the existence of a minimal ideal, which need not be completely simple; notably, this is the case for semigroups in which one of the Green’s preorders ${\leq _{\mathcal {L}}}$ or ${\leq _{\mathcal {J}}}$ is left compatible with multiplication. Finally, we establish a number of examples of pseudo-finite monoids without a minimal ideal. We develop an explicit construction that yields such examples with additional desired properties, for instance, regularity or ${\mathcal {J}}$-triviality.
Celebrated theorems of Roth and of Matoušek and Spencer together show that the discrepancy of arithmetic progressions in the first $n$ positive integers is $\Theta (n^{1/4})$. We study the analogous problem in the $\mathbb {Z}_n$ setting. We asymptotically determine the logarithm of the discrepancy of arithmetic progressions in $\mathbb {Z}_n$ for all positive integer $n$. We further determine up to a constant factor the discrepancy of arithmetic progressions in $\mathbb {Z}_n$ for many $n$. For example, if $n=p^k$ is a prime power, then the discrepancy of arithmetic progressions in $\mathbb {Z}_n$ is $\Theta (n^{1/3+r_k/(6k)})$, where $r_k \in \{0,1,2\}$ is the remainder when $k$ is divided by $3$. This solves a problem of Hebbinghaus and Srivastav.
In the ring of integers of an algebraic number field, the obvious idea of "prime" is unsatisfactory, because "unique prime factorization" sometimes fails. This led Kummer to postulate the existence of "ideal numbers" outside the field, among which are "ideal primes" that restore unique prime factorization. Dedekind found that "ideal numbers" could be modeled by certain sets of actual numbers that he called ideals. In this chapter we give some concrete examples of ideals, then develop basic ideal theory, first in general rings, then in rings satisfying the ascending chain condition (ACC). ACC was identified by Emmy Noether as a key property of the rings studied by Dedekind, and shown by him to enjoy unique prime ideal factorization.
Modules are like vector spaces, except that their "scalars" are merely from a ring rather than a field. Because of this, modules do not generally have bases. However, we escape the difficulties in the rings of algebraic integers in algebraic number fields, and we can find bases for them with the help of the discriminant. This leads to another property of the latter rings - being integrally closed. In the next chapter we will see that the property of being integrally closed, together with the Noetherian property, is needed to characterize the rings in which unique prime ideal factorization holds.
Recently, Lin and Liu [‘Congruences for the truncated Appell series
$F_3$
and
$F_4$
’, Integral Transforms Spec. Funct.31(1) (2020), 10–17] confirmed a supercongruence on the truncated Appell series
$F_3$
. Motivated by their work, we give a generalisation of this supercongruence by establishing a q-supercongruence modulo the fourth power of a cyclotomic polynomial.
Civil society organizations (CSOs) can facilitate collective action. This makes understanding what shapes whether people are likely to engage with CSOs critically important. This paper argues that whether an organization is perceived as congruent – similar to an individual in values – is a key determinant of whether individuals will engage with it. I use a conjoint survey experiment to test how organizational attributes signaling congruence influence respondents’ willingness to attend a hypothetical organization’s meetings. I find that individuals are more likely to choose organizations that are more likely to be congruent with them, except when it comes to funding. These findings imply that an individual’s level of comfort with a CSO matters for engagement; thus, CSOs need to consider how they match to their publics when reaching out to potential joiners. Furthermore, donors seeking to support CSOs need to pay attention to their impact on perceptions of congruence.
Taking residual finiteness as a starting point, we consider three related finiteness properties: weak subsemigroup separability, strong subsemigroup separability and complete separability. We investigate whether each of these properties is inherited by Schützenberger groups. The main result of this paper states that for a finitely generated commutative semigroup S, these three separability conditions coincide and are equivalent to every
$\mathcal {H}$
-class of S being finite. We also provide examples to show that these properties in general differ for commutative semigroups and finitely generated semigroups. For a semigroup with finitely many
$\mathcal {H}$
-classes, we investigate whether it has one of these properties if and only if all its Schützenberger groups have the property.
What explains ideological congruence between citizens and political parties? Although the literature on congruence has recently provided some answers to this question, most of these works have focused on the effect of systemic and partisan factors. They have paid less attention to the effect of people’s characteristics on ideological congruence, which is built by the interaction between citizens’ positions on public issues and those of the political parties that represent them. Our general research hypothesis is that party-voter congruence is stronger when parties reduce the uncertainty about their ideological positions and citizens can understand these signals better. Analysis of Latin American data supports this hypothesis, showing that people’s cognitive ability, specifically education and political knowledge, has a positive effect on party-voter ideological congruence. Moreover, this relationship is moderated by parties’ attributes, such as ideological ambiguity and radicalism.
This chapter covers three areas of research of interest to those in assessment: the accuracy and usefulness of others’/observers’ reports, namely references and testimonials; appraisals and reports by people at work who know the individual (boss, colleagues, reports, customers); and the electronic surveillance at work and home. Each method relies on observer reports which are often considered to be superior to self-reports, though they are highly reliant on both the observer’s actual ‘data’ on the individual, as well as the extent to which they are honest. One of the oldest, most established but least validated of methods is the use of personal references/testimonials by supposedly a person who knows a candidate well and is prepared to be honest. The second which comes from the USA more than 70 years ago remains very popular as much for development and training as assessment: similar ratings from different people at work on the same individual on various different aspects. The third area is perhaps the most controversial: the monitoring of individual through a variety (mostly electronic) means on all sorts of their behaviour at as well as to and from work. The newest method, namely wearables, is also discussed.
Environmental responsibility has been increasingly emphasized in the management field. Perceived organizational environmental support is generally considered desirable within organizations. Nonetheless, both scholars and practitioners doubt that it is a panacea for enhancing employee green behavior (EGB), an important workplace behavior benefiting the environment and corporate sustainability. From a congruence perspective, this research explores when and why perceived organizational environmental support fails to increase EGB effectively. Drawing upon cue consistency theory and the corporate hypocrisy literature, we propose that perceived organizational environmental support backfires when it is incongruent with another critical cue signaling an organization's environmental stance – perceived supervisory environmental support (particularly when perceived organizational environmental support is higher than perceived supervisory environmental support). This is because the inconsistent signals of environmental support from the organization (in the form of policy commitment) and supervisor (in the form of supportive behaviors) arouse employees’ perception of corporate hypocrisy, which in turn inhibits EGB. Both the scenario experiment results (Study 1) and the polynomial regression results of the field survey data (Study 2) support our hypotheses. Theoretical contributions and managerial implications are discussed.
Gireesh and Mahadeva Naika [‘On 3-regular partitions in 3-colors’, Indian J. Pure Appl. Math.50 (2019), 137–148] proved an infinite family of congruences modulo powers of 3 for the function
$p_{\{3,3\}}(n)$
, the number of 3-regular partitions in three colours. In this paper, using elementary generating function manipulations and classical techniques, we significantly extend the list of proven arithmetic properties satisfied by
$p_{\{3,3\}}(n).$
We continue the research of the relation
$\hspace {1mm}\widetilde {\mid }\hspace {1mm}$
on the set
$\beta \mathbb {N}$
of ultrafilters on
$\mathbb {N}$
, defined as an extension of the divisibility relation. It is a quasiorder, so we see it as an order on the set of
$=_{\sim }$
-equivalence classes, where
$\mathcal {F}=_{\sim }\mathcal {G}$
means that
$\mathcal {F}$
and
$\mathcal {G}$
are mutually
$\hspace {1mm}\widetilde {\mid }$
-divisible. Here we introduce a new tool: a relation of congruence modulo an ultrafilter. We first recall the congruence of ultrafilters modulo an integer and show that
$=_{\sim }$
-equivalent ultrafilters do not necessarily have the same residue modulo
$m\in \mathbb {N}$
. Then we generalize this relation to congruence modulo an ultrafilter in a natural way. After that, using iterated nonstandard extensions, we introduce a stronger relation, which has nicer properties with respect to addition and multiplication of ultrafilters. Finally, we introduce a strengthening of
$\hspace {1mm}\widetilde {\mid }\hspace {1mm}$
and show that it also behaves well with respect to the congruence relation.