1. Twice revised in February 1991 and January 2001 since its original signing in July 1967, the Status of Forces Agreement defines the legal status—that is, legal rights and responsibilities—of United States Forces in Korea (USFK) and its “civilian component … in the employ of, serving with, or accompanying” it over a wide range of issues ranging from facility and land grant to taxation, custom duties, immigration, and criminal jurisdiction. See www.korea.army.mil/sofa/sofa1966_ui1991.pdf and www.korea.army.mil/sofa/2001sofa_english%20text.pdf for “Basic Agreement,” “Agreed Minutes,” and other related documents.Google Scholar

2. Joongang Ilbo, June 26, 2002.Google Scholar

3. Joongang Ilbo, December 13, 2002.Google Scholar

4. Joongang Ilbo, July 5, 24, and 30; August 5; and October 1, 2002.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. Chung Mong-joon became Roh Moo-hyun's de facto “running mate” when he received support from 42.4 percent of the survey respondents against Roh Moo-hyun's 46.8 percent in a public poll held on November 24, 2002, to decide who shall run as the “unified candidate” against Lee Hoi-chang—a likely winner then with a support level twice Roh Moo-hyun's as well as Chung Mong-joon's in a three-way race, as reported by myriad surveys. See Joongang Ilbo, November 25, 2002.Google Scholar

6. Joongang Ilbo, December 19, 2002.Google Scholar

7. Joongang Ilbo, December 12 and 14, 2002.Google Scholar

8. Chosun Ilbo, September 12, 2002.Google Scholar

9. When U.S. secretary of defense Donald H. Rumsfeld expressed his “deepest sorrow” for the Hyochonli tragedy on December 7, Lee Hoi-chang brushed it aside as “inadequate” and demanded an apology from George W. Bush as well as an immediate SOFA revision. When Bush followed up with his “deepest apologies” through a personal envoy on December 11 and telephoned Kim Dae-jung two days later to show his “deep respect for South Korea,” to express “sadness and regret” over the deaths of the two girls, and to promise U.S. cooperation in instituting measures to prevent similar accidents, Lee Hoi-chang welcomed his words as a “belated apology” while rejecting any measures less than the revision of SOFA as inadequate. See Joongang Ilbo, September 16 and December 3, 7, and 14, 2002.Google Scholar

10. Joongang Ilbo, December 9, 2002.Google Scholar

11. Conversely, those who backed the U.S. military presence for a “limited period” should not be automatically categorized as pro-American. Some might have interpreted the wording to mean “indefinitely,” whereas others might have understood the term to mean an eventual staged pullout in a not-so-distant future. The heterogeneity of this group is borne out by the responses to other survey questions. They endorsed Bush's policy against Pyongyang (44.4 percent) as well as a stronger U.S.–South Korea alliance (20.3 percent) by a higher share than those who called for a staged U.S. military pullout, but still a solid majority opposed Bush. The preference for the U.S. role in South Korean foreign policy likewise split into those endorsing stronger alliance, independence, and the status quo by the ratio of 20.3:23.6:56.1. Attitudes on the U.S. military presence in South Korea accordingly correlated only moderately with attitudes on Bush's policy against Pyongyang (r = .32) and with attitudes on the U.S. role in South Korean foreign policy (r = .37).Google Scholar

12. Another possible indicator of the depth and scope of anti-American sentiments is the answers to the question asking the respondent to grade his or her image of the United States on a scale from zero (“very bad”) to five (“neither good nor bad”) to ten (“very good”). Of the respondents, 36.4 percent gave the grade of four or below, 13 percent the grade of six and above, and 50.7 percent the grade of five.Google Scholar

13. Consult Son Ho-cheol, “Han'guk jeonjaengkwa ideorogi jihyong: gukka, jibaeyeonhap, ideorogi” (The Korean War and the ideological terrain: The state, the ruling coalition, and ideology), in Son, , et al., Han'guk jeonjaengkwa nambukhan sahwaeui gujojeok byonhwa (The Korean War and structural change in North and South Korea) (Seoul: Geukdong munjae yeon'guso, 1991), pp. 1–27, for the ideological condition of South Korea during the Cold War. Also see Kim, Byung-Kook, “Party Politics in South Korea's Democracy: The Crisis of Success,” in Diamond, Larry and Kim, , eds., Consolidating Democracy in South Korea (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000), pp. 53–85.Google Scholar

14. Figure 2 shows only the age splits in attitudes on the U.S. military presence in South Korea, but the pattern is more or less the same for the other two components of military security views: attitudes on Bush's policy against Pyongyang, and attitudes on the U.S. role in South Korean foreign policy. The minor variation showing up when we performed a one-way ANOVA test on the other two military security attitudes was produced entirely by the respondents in their forties. This middle age group lost its distinctiveness from those fifty years old and older when attitudes on the U.S. role in South Korean foreign policy were compared. By contrast, when attitudes on Bush's policy against Pyongyang was taken up as our dependent variable in a one-way ANOVA test, the middle age group once more looked dissimilar from those fifty years old and older, while looking less distinctive from those in their twenties.Google Scholar

15. This pattern remained unchanged when we compared attitudes on trial by U.S. military court—the other component of human rights views.Google Scholar

16. The name “386 Generation” came from their age (30–39 years old), the decade of college entrance (the 1980s), and the decade of birth (the 1960s).Google Scholar

17. This generation came to be called the “5060 Generation” because of their age (fifties and sixties). The name also has a pejorative meaning as the generation of the Fifth Republic (1980–1988) and the Roh Tae-woo presidency (1988–1993), which are respectively called “ogong“ and “yukgong,” the same in pronunciation as “50” and “60” in Korean.Google Scholar

18. Consult Stephan Haggard, Pathways from the Periphery (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), and Alice Amsden, Asia's Next Giant: South Korea and Late Industrialization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), for analysis on economic transformation and the state's role in it.Google Scholar

19. See Han, Sung-joo, The Failure of Democracy in South Korea (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. For an analysis of events in 1980, see Lee, Chong-Sik, “South Korea in 1980: The Emergence of a New Authoritarian Order,” Asian Survey 21 (January 1981): 125–143.Google Scholar

21. Consult Sunhyuk Kim, Politics of Democratization in Korea: The Role of Civil Society (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000).Google Scholar

22. For a critical appraisal of the U.S. role in 1980, see Sam-seong, Yi, “Kwangju bonggiwa migukui yeokhal” (The Kwangju uprising and the role of the United States), Sahwaewa sasang (February 1989) (Seoul: Han'gilsa).Google Scholar

23. See Jang-jip, Choi, Han'guk minjujuuiui jogeonkwa jeonmang (The condition and prospect of democracy in Korea) (Seoul: Nanam, 1996), and Kim Byung-kook, “Jeonhwankiui han'guk jeongchi: sangsangryokui bin'gonkwa minjuhwaui siryon” (Korea in political transition: The poverty of imagination and the trials of democratization), Gyegan sasang (summer 1993): 41–63.Google Scholar

24. See Henderson, Gregory, Korea: The Politics of the Vortex (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968), for a historical analysis of totalitarian Japanese colonial rule in Korea.Google Scholar

25. For a “revisionist” interpretation of the ideologically polarized and politically violent 1945–1948 period ruled by the U.S. military government in South Korea, consult Bruce Cumings, The Origin of the Korean War: Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945–1947 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

26. For an analysis of the bloody communist occupation during the Korean War and its ideological impact on postwar South Korean politics, consult Chang Mi-seung, “Bukhanui namhan jeomryong jeongchaek” (The occupation policy of North Korea during the Korean War), in Han'guk jeongchi yon'guhwae jeongchisa bun'gwa (Subcommittee on political history, South Korean politics research association), ed., Han'guk jeonjaengui ihae (The understanding of the Korean War) (Seoul: Yoksa bipyongsa, 1990), pp. 170–203.Google Scholar

27. Cha, Victor D., Alignment Despite Antagonism: The United States–Korea–Japan Security Triangle (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999).Google Scholar

28. Sin-lim, Choi, “Bukhanui daenam gyongjae jeonryak” (North Korea's economic strategy toward the South), in Tae-hwan, Kwak et al., Bukhanui hyopsang jeonryakkwa nambukhan gwan'gye (The North Korean negotiating strategy and the relationship between North and South Korea) (Seoul: Geukdong munjae yeon'guso, Kyongnam University, 1997), p. 132.Google Scholar

29. Young-sun, Ha, Hanbandoui haekmugiwa saegye jilseo (Nuclear weapons in the Korean Peninsula and the world order) (Seoul: Nanam, 1991), p. 241.Google Scholar

30. Compiled from Institute of Political Education for Unification, Ministry of Unification (available online at www.uniedu.go.kr/dataroom/book_h/main_tongil_bookh05.html).Google Scholar

31. See Chosun Ilbo's editorial of June 14, 2001, for the first anniversary of Kim Dae-jung's summit meeting with Kim Jong Il and the “slackening” of security awareness in South Korea. In a similar spirit, Donga Ilbo deplored the state of security preparedness of the South Korean armed forces in its editorial on April 19, 2001, when a military newspaper reported Pyongyang's nationally celebrated revolutionary opera “Pibada“—literally, “The Sea of Blood”—as an artistic “masterpiece” and when Minister of Unification Lim Dong-won advised against the use of the concept of the jujok, or “primary enemy,” in describing the status of Pyongyang within South Korean foreign policy at a national assembly hearing.Google Scholar

32. Consult Lim Dong Won, “Nambuk gowigeup hoidamkwa bukhanui hyopsang jeonryak” (The high-level North-South talks and North Korea's negotiating strategy), in Tae-hwan, Kwak et al., Bukhanui hyopsang jeonryakkwa nambukhan gwan'gye (The North Korean negotiating strategy and the relationship between North and South Korea), pp. 73–125.Google Scholar

33. Consult Chung Ok-im, Bukhaek 588 il! Clinton haengjeongbuui daeungkwa jeonryak (The 588 days of North Korean nuclear crisis: The responses and strategies of the Clinton administration) (Seoul: The Seoul Press, 1995), for an in-depth analysis of the allies' conflicting responses to the 1994 North Korean nuclear crisis.Google Scholar

34. Chosun Ilbo, June 16, 2002.Google Scholar

35. Although many see the 2000 summit meeting as the turning point in South Korean public sentiments on the issue of the U.S. military role, the number of supporters for an immediate U.S. troop withdrawal remained more or less stable over time. The Sejong Institute reported their share as varying between 4.8 and 7.9 percent in its three mid-1990s surveys, whereas our 2002 opinion polls estimated 6.3 percent of the total respondents. The percentage endorsing a staged U.S. military pullout likewise ranged between 34.5 percent and 45.6 percent in the Sejong Institute's three polls, not too different from the 44.6 percent in our survey. See Institute, Sejong, Public Opinion Survey, conducted in 1995, 1996, and 1997 with a randomly chosen sample of 1,200–1,800 interviewees.Google Scholar

36. The U.S. Army's Second Division, with 13,800 personnel, was headquartered in Dongduchon, where 73,502 people lived as residents in 2000. The Second Division also maintained three camps in Uijongbu, another prospering satellite city near Seoul with 355,380 inhabitants, as reported by the national census. The situation was equally problematic in Camp Walker, where 7,800 soldiers gave a logistic support for the USFK. With the residents growing from 919,953 in 1970 to 2,480,578 by 2000, Daegu literally grew over Camp Walker, establishing the Dalsong District in 1981 and Dalso District in 1987, both south of Camp Walker. What had been the outskirts of Daegu became a central district of the city in a mere seventeen years.Google Scholar Then there were three U.S. military training grounds and shooting ranges in Paju, Maehyangli, and Pochon—respectively 28.0, 7.6, and 5.1 million pyong in size, taking up much available land in each city, town, or county. Moreover, Paju and Pochon had a sizeable population of 178,434 and 138,654 in 2000. See Joongang Ilbo, July 19, 2001, for information on the location and size of U.S. military bases in South Korea. The resident size of the cities surrounding U.S. military bases and training grounds is compiled from Korea National Statistics Office, National Census, 1970, 1980, and 2000.Google Scholar

37. The issue of pollution came to the fore when an NGO reported a U.S. civilian component's leaking a poisonous liquid from a U.S. military base into the Han River, the source of water for Seoul, and criticized the subsequent attempts at cover-up by U.S. military authorities in May 2000. When prodded in a national assembly inspection session six months later, the Ministry of Environment revealed that the ministry had found the USFK to have polluted twenty-six times since 1990. To make the South Korean public even angrier, U.S. authorities failed to compensate for environmental damages in all twenty-six cases. See Chosun Ilbo, September 25 and November 3, 2000.Google Scholar

38. See editorial, Chosun Ilbo, May 14, 2000, which argued for not only compensation by the USFK but also South Korean government financial support for the villagers' reallocation to a safer area. By contrast, Donga Ilbo called for revising SOFA to enable local residents to “immediately” correct their “inconveniences and discontents” caused by the USFK on May 15, 2000.Google Scholar

39. See mehyang.kfem.or.kr.Google Scholar

40. See www.usacrime.or.kr.Google Scholar

41. Chosun Ilbo, December 28, 2000.Google Scholar

42. Consult “Agreement Between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea Amending the Agreement Under Article IV of the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea, Regarding Facilities and Areas and the Status of United States Armed Forces in the Republic of Korea of July 9, 1966” (available online at www.korea.army.mil/sofa/2001sofa_english%20text.pdf).Google Scholar

43. Joongang Ilbo, July 4, 5, 10, 25, and 29 and August 7, 2000.Google Scholar

44. At the initial stage, as envisioned by the Land Partnership Plan (LPP) agreed in March 2002, Seoul is obligated to buy up isolated lands. Then follows a joint construction phase where Seoul shares the cost of building military facilities on its newly purchased lands with Washington. Once U.S. troops close down their old military bases and move to the new ones on their own cost, Seoul is to recoup its initial investment in land purchases by selling those old bases returned by U.S. troops presumably at profit. See “Executive Summary: Land Partnership Plan Under the United States and Republic of Korea Status of Forces Agreement,” signed and approved by the SOFA Joint Committee on March 29, 2002, pp. 2–3 (available online at www.korea.army.mil/LPP/LPPExSum.pdf).Google Scholar

45. Chosun Ilbo, March 29, 2002.Google Scholar

46. Chosun Ilbo, January 19 and 20 and February 8, 2002.Google Scholar

47. Chosun Ilbo, May 25, 1999, and March 29, 2002.Google Scholar

48. As retold by the Associated Press news reporters, who dug up unclassified U.S. Air Force documents and interviewed surviving U.S. soldiers for eighteen months, two or three American fighter planes strafed 200 or so refugees, who had been held back from going south by the U.S. Seventh Cavalry Regiment, on the basis of many intelligence reports that warned of communist spies and infiltrators mingling in with the refugees. When survivors hid under a gray railroad overpass, the U.S. infantrymen shot any moving body from nearby foxholes for three consecutive days until they retreated to join their regiment. See Chosun Ilbo, September 29, 1999.Google Scholar

49. Chosun Ilbo, September 30, 1999.Google Scholar

50. Chosun Ilbo, October 1, 1999.Google Scholar

51. See Chosun Ilbo, October 4, 1999; April 21 and May 15, 2000; October 22, 2001; and February 6, 2002.Google Scholar

52. Chosun Ilbo, January 12, 2001.Google Scholar

53. The United States strove to win the villagers' hearts by pledging to build a memorial monument near Nogeunli's railroad overpass and provide scholarships to victims' families, only to become deadlocked over what to inscribe on the proposed monument. See Chosun Ilbo, January 12, 2001, and January 17, 2002.Google Scholar

54. Chosun Ilbo, February 2, 2002.Google Scholar

55. The European Union countries lagged behind considerably, having on average only 0.8 Internet users per 100 people. The United States was better networked, but not by a large margin: 3.2 users per 100 residents. See Ministry of Information and Communication, “Gukminui jeongbu sanyon: jeongbo tongsin seonggwa” (The achievement in the area of information and communication during the first four years of the ‘government of the people’), December 2001 (available online at www.mic.go.kr/jsp/mic_b/b100–0001–1.jsp).Google Scholar

56. The importance of cellular phones as a medium of communication is visibly seen in the increase of expenditure from 3.3 trillion to 12.7 trillion won between 1997 and 2001. See Ministry of Information and Communication, “Gukminui jeongbu sanyon: jeongbo tongsin seonggwa” (The achievement in the area of information and communication during the first four years of the ‘government of the people’), December 2001 (available online at www.mic.go.kr/jsp/mic_b/b100–0001–1.jsp).Google Scholar

57. The National Tax Agency publicly released information on the results of an investigation against its internal rules and regulations in order to “satisfy society's right to know as well as deter future illegal tax evasion,” the effect of which was to morally tarnish Joongang Ilbo. The prosecutors indicted its owner on six-year imprisonment and 26.2 billion won fine in November 1999. See Chosun Ilbo, September 18, October 2 and 18, and November 30, 1999.Google Scholar

58. Chosun Ilbo, January 25 and February 7 and 9, 2001.Google Scholar

59. The owners of the two newspapers were prosecuted in September for tax evasion and embezzlement (respectively worth 10.8 and 6.1 billion won). The publicly owned Korea Broadcasting Company, meanwhile, went free, although it evaded paying 29 billion won for tax. See Chosun Ilbo, August 17 and September 4, 2001.Google Scholar

60. The national daily newspapers ranked behind radios, public TV channels, and even Internet sites and cable TV stations in public trust. Two years earlier they had ranked behind only public TV stations. Equally critical, when asked which communication medium was most influential, the respondents' answer split among public TV stations, Internet sites, and national daily newspapers by the ratio of 66.9:10.7:10.3 in 2002. See Korea Press Foundation, “Olron suyongja uisik josa: midieo yonghyangkwa silryoido pyong'ga 2002” (The opinion survey of the viewers and readers in 2002: The influence of the media and the level of public trust), pp. 3, 9–10 (available online at www.kpf.or.kr/stat3/datafile/20030115ms10036.pdf).Google Scholar

61. Calculated from the answers to Questions 56 and 57 in the Pew Research Center for The People and The Press, “The Pew Global Attitudes Project: What the World Thinks” (2002), T40–T43.Google Scholar

62. Joongang Ilbo, June 26, 2002.Google Scholar

63. Joongang Ilbo, July 8, 2002.Google Scholar

64. Joongang Ilbo, June 27, 2002.Google Scholar

65. Joongang Ilbo, June 29 and July 3, 4, and 8, 2002.Google Scholar

66. For newspaper coverage on major candlelight vigils, consult Chosun Ilbo, November 30 and December 4 and 15, 2002.Google Scholar

67. Chosun Ilbo, January 4, 2003.Google Scholar

68. See angma.org.Google Scholar

69. New York Times, January 16, 2003.Google Scholar

70. Chosun Ilbo, January 26, 2003.Google Scholar

71. Chosun Ilbo, February 7, 8, and 9, 2003.Google Scholar

72. Chosun Ilbo, March 2, 2003.Google Scholar