¹ Letter 217, to Reginald of Salisbury (1167): [ed Millorand, W. J. Brooke, C. N. L., The Letters of John of Salisbury,] 2 [(Oxford 1979)] pp 364–6.Google Scholar

² Letter 242, 2 p 474.

³ Aristotle, Rhetorica ii.20, 1393 a-b (cf. i.2, 1355 b-1357 b and i.9, 1368 a). Benoit, [W. L.][, ‘Aristotle’s Example: The Rhetorical Induction’], Quarterly Journal of Speech 66 (1980) pp 182–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵ Melalogicon, [ed C. C. I. Webb (Oxford 1929),] iv.10, p 176.7-10 following Chalcidius, Comm. in Tim. Plat. § 231. Cf. Seneca Epp. lxxvi.35; lxxxii.2; Quintilian, Inst. III.viii.66 following Aristotle, Rhetorica 1394 a 8.

⁶ Southern, R. W., ‘ Aspects [of the European Tradition of Historical Writing] III: ‘History as Prophecy’, TRHS, 5th series, 22 (London 1972) pp 159–80 at pp 168–9.Google Scholar

⁷ Letter 185, 2 pp 224-5.

⁸ Cf e.g. Kerner, [M.][, Johannes von Salisbury unddie logische Struklurseines Policraticus] (Wiesbaden 1977) pp 24–6, 205–9Google Scholar; Delhaye, Ph., ‘L’enseignement de la philosophie morale au XII^e siècle’, Mediaeval Studies 11 (1949) pp 81, 84, 89, 94CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Prà, [M.] Dal[, Giovanni di Salisbury] (Milano 1951) pp 37, 45, 60–1, 146, 153Google Scholar; Webb, [C. C. J.], [John of Salisbury] (London 1932) pp 176–8Google Scholar; Brezzi, [P.], [‘II superamento dello schema Agostiniano nella storiografia medievale’,] in ‘Forma Futuri’ for Pellegrino, M. (Torino 1975) pp 952–60Google Scholar, see p 958; Garfagnini, [G. C.], ‘ Ratio disserendi [e ratiocinandi via: il Metalogicon di Giovanni di Salisbury’,) Studi Medievali 12 (1971) pp 915–54Google Scholar, see p 920; Hendley, [B. P.], [Wisdom and Eloquence: A New Interpretation of the Metalogicon of John of Salisbury,] (Diss. Yale Univ. 1967; Ann Arbor Microfilm Nr. 67-7021) pp 207–10Google Scholar, passim; Odoj, U., [Wissenschaft und Politik bei Johannes von Salisbury,] (Diss. München 1974) pp 118–20Google Scholar; Misch, G., [Geschichte der Autobiographie 111 2) (Frankfurt 1962) p 1250Google Scholar; Southern, [R. W.], [’The Place of] England [in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance’], History 45 (1960) pp 201–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar, see pp 205-6; Liebeschütz, [H.], Med[iaeval] Humanism [in the Life and Writings of John of Salisbury], Studies of the Warburg Institute 17 (London 1950/1968) pp 1, 79–80, 90Google Scholar; Id., ‘Chartres [und Bologna, Naturbegriff und Staatsidee beijohannes von Salisbury’,] AKG 50 (1968) pp 3-32, see pp 8-9; Id., ‘Das zwölfte Jahrhundert [und die Antike’,] AKG 35 (1953) pp 247-71, see p 263. For references to the works of John see below nn 20-26.

⁹ Kerner p 32 quoting Martin, J. M., John and the Classics (Harvard Ph.D. Dissertation, Cambridge, Mass. 1968) p 196Google Scholar: ‘John’s interest in ancient history was of the most superficial kind….’ See Liebeschütz, Mediaeval Humanism p 94 calling Antiquity for John ‘a kind of picture book illustrating the types of Twelfth-Century life’.

¹⁰ Huizinga, [J.][, Zwei prägotische Geister: Abaelard, Johannes von Salisbury] (1933, 1935), in Geschichte unad Kultur, Gesammelte Aufsätze ed Köster, K. (Stuttgart 1954) pp 161–212: pp 200–1Google Scholar: ‘Wir möchten, dasser uns mehr von seiner eigenen Zeit und weniger antike Figuren und Exempel, von denen der Policraticus voll ist, gegeben hätte.’ Misch pp 1184, 1188; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 6, 47, 108; id. ‘Chartres und Bologna’ p 4; Uhlig, Cl., Hofkritik im England des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Berlin-New York 1973) pp 27–54, 109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Brooke, [C. N. L.], Introduction [to The Letters of John of Salisbury,] 1 (London-Edinburgh 1955) p xivGoogle Scholar. CfSchaarschmidt, [C][, Johannes Saresberiensis nach Leben und Studien, Schriften und Philosophic] (Leipzig 1862) p 87Google Scholar quoting Justus Lipsiusas in Fabricius (Bibl. med. et inf. Latinitatis vi.131, also in PL 199. 13 C-D): ‘Polycraticus … opus varium jucundumque lectu, et in quo centone multos pannos purpureos et fragmenta melioris aevi agnovit Lipsius ad Taciti XII, 63,’ for John’s ‘unendliche Lust, mit allerhand gelehrten Anekdoten seine Arbeit zu schmücken.’ Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 1-2,61 (‘the impression of logical deficiency’), 51, 71-2, 116-7; id. ‘Chartres und Bologna’ pp 4, 13; Uhlig p 41: ‘ein Werk, dem man …einheitliche Gedankenführung absprechen muss’; Knowles, [D.], [The Evolution of Medieval Thought] (London 1963) p 137.Google Scholar

¹² Stierle, K., ‘Geschichte als Exemplum-Exemplum als Geschichte,’ Poetik und Hermeneutik, 5: Geschichte, Ereignis und Erzählung (München 1973) pp 347–75Google Scholar, discussed pp 450-2 (translated as ‘L’histoire comme exemple, l’exemple comme histoire’, Poétiaue 10 (1972) pp 176-98). CfLandfesterf, [R.], Historia magistra vitae, Untersuchungen zur humanistischen Geschichtstheorie des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts] (Travaux d’Humanisme et Renaissance 123: Genève 1972) pp 10, 20, 59, 134 f, 147Google Scholar; Buck, [G.], [Article] ‘Beispiel’ [in Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie 1, ed Ritter, J.] (Darmstadt 1971) cols 819–20Google Scholar; Kessler, E., Das Problem des frühen Humanismus[, Seine philosophische Bedeutung bei Coluccio Salutati] (München 1968) pp 189 fGoogle Scholar; id., Petrarca [und die Geschichte] (München 1978) pp 108-16; id., ‘Geschichtsdenken [und Geschichtsschreibung bei F. Petrarca’,] AKG 51 (1969) pp 109-36, see pp 112-13; Neuschäfer, H.-J., Boccaccio und der Beginn der Novelle (München 1969) pp 52–89Google Scholar. See also below n 162.

¹³ See Rhétorique et Histoire[: L’exemplum et le mnodèle de (omportement dans le discoun antique el médiéval (Table ronde organisée par l’Ecole Francaise de Rome 1979 = Mélanges de l’Ecole Francaise de Rome, Moyen Age-Temps Modernes, 92.1, 1980),] especially J. Berlioz and J.-M. David, ‘Introduction bibliographique’, pp 15-23; N. Zorzetti, ‘Diraostrare e convincere’, pp 33-65; J.-M. David, ‘Maiorum exempla sequi: l’exemplum historique dans les discours judiciaires de Cicéron’. The most important studies in this direction are: Alewell, [K.][, Das rhetorische Paradeigma] (Leipzig 1913)Google Scholar; Buisson, [L.], Polestas [und Caritas]. (Köln-Graz 1958), pp 17–73Google Scholar (‘Das exemption caritatis’); id., ‘Exempla [und Tradition bei Innocenz 111.’], Festschrift Tellenbach, G., ‘Adel und Kirche’ (ed Fleckenstein, J. and Schmid, K., Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1968) pp 458–476Google Scholar; id., [’Dic Entstehungdes] Kirchenrechts’, ZRG, Kan. Abt. 52 (1966) pp 1-175; Carlson, [M. L.]], ‘Pagan Examples of Fortitude in the Latin Christian Apologists’], Classical Philology 43 (1948) pp 93–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Curtius, [E. R.], Europäische Literatur [und Lateinisches Mittelalter,] (Bem-München 1948) pp 67–70, 82–3, 90–92Google Scholar; id., ‘Zur Danteforschung’, Romanische Forschungen 56 (1942) 3-22; Döring, [K.][, ‘Exemplum Socratis’, Studien zur Sokralesnachwirkung in der kynisch-stoischen Popularphilosophie der frühen Kaiserzeit und im frühen Christentum], (Wiesbaden 1979)Google Scholar; Ehlers, J., ‘Gut und Böse in der hochmittelalterlichen Historiographie’, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 11 (1977) pp 27–71, esp. pp 36–41Google Scholar; Fleck, M., Untersuchungen zu den exempla des Valerius Maxitnus (Diss. Marburg 1974)Google Scholar; Gaillard, J., ‘Regulus selon Cicéron’, Revue des Etudes Latines 50 (1972) 46–49Google Scholar and id., ‘Auctorilas Exempli’, ibid 56 (1978) pp 30-4; Gebien, [K.][, Die Geschichte in Senecas philosophischen Schriften] (Diss. Konstanz 1969)Google Scholar; Geerlings, [W.][, ‘ Christus Exemplum: Studien zur Christologie und Christusverkiindigung Augustins]’, Tübinger Theologische Studien 13 (Mainz 1977) pp 146–234Google Scholar (Der exemplum-Begriff); Groβ, K., ‘Auctoritas-maiorum exempla’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens 58 (1940) pp 59–67Google Scholar; Jennings, [W.][, ‘Lucan’s Medieval Popularity: The Exemplum Tradition’], Rivista di cultura classica e medioevale 16 (1974) pp 215–33Google Scholar; Knapp, F. P., ‘Vergleich und Exempel in der lateinischen Rhetorik und Poetik’, Studi Medieuali 14 (1973) pp 443 fGoogle Scholar; and the same in Knapp, [F. P.], Similitudo: [Stil- und Erzählfunktion von Vergleich und Exempel in der lateinischen, französichen und deutschen Groβepik des Hochmittelalters, 1] (Philologica Germanica 2: Wien-Stuttgart 1975)Google Scholar; Kornhardt, [H.], [Exemplum: Eine bedeutungsgeschichtliche Studie] (Diss. Göttingen 1936)Google Scholar; Krewitt, U., Metapher und tropische Rede in der Aujfassung des Mittelalters (Beihefte zum Mittellateinischen Jahrbuch 7): (Ratingen-Kastellaun-Wuppertal 1970 pp 84–5, 97, 145, 155–6, 435, 451Google Scholar; Lausberg, [H.], [Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik] (München 1960), §§ 410–26Google Scholar; Lumpe, [A.], (Art. ‘Exemplum’] in RAC VI (1966) cols 1229–57Google Scholar; Moos, [P.] von, ‘Consolatio’, [Studien zur mittellateinischen Trostliteratur] (Münstersche Mittelalterschriften 3, 1-4: München 1972), 3, §§ 454–505, 1345–96 (cf vol 4 p 121)Google Scholar; Murphy, [J. J.], [Rhetoric in the Middle Ages], (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1974), pp 171–3, 327–42Google Scholar et passim; Nordh, [A.], [‘Historical exempla in Martial’,] Eranos 52 (1954) pp 224–38Google Scholar; Pétré, [H.], [L’exemplum chez Tertullien], (Diss. Paris, Dijon 1940)Google Scholar, and id., Art. ‘Exemple’ [in DSAM 4 (1961)] 1, cols 1878-92; Pöschl, V., ‘Augustinus und die römische Geschichtsauffassung’ Augustinus Magister (Congrès int. Augustinien 1954: Paris 1955) 1, pp 957–63Google Scholar; Price, [J.], [Paradigma and exemplum in Ancient Rhetorical Theory] (Diss. Berkeley 1975)Google Scholar; Reinitzer, H., ‘Über Beispielfiguren im Erec ’, Deutsche Viertel Jahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte, 50 (1976) pp 597–639CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Verweyen, T., Art. ‘Apophthegma’ in Enzyklopädie des Märchens 1 (1977) pp 674–8Google Scholar; Ziese, J., Historische Beweisführung in den Streitschriften des lnvestitutstreits (Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 8: München 1972).Google Scholar

¹⁴ It would not be possible within the scope of this paper to provide a full bibliography, let alone a survey, of the exceptionally large number of works that have been published in this area (which is itself only of secondary interest) since the standard works of Welter, Howie, Mosher, Frenken and Crane. A selection of the more recent and comprehensive contributions to the subject follows here: …Rhétorique et Histoire (see above n 13) with the following contributions: J. Berlioz, J. M. David, ‘Introduction bibliographique,’ (pp 23-31); A. Vitale-Brovarone ‘Persuasione e narrazione: l’exemplum tra due retoriche, VI-XII sec’ (pp 81-112); J. Berlioz, ‘Le récit efficace: l’exemplum au service de la prédication, XIII^eXV^e siècles’ (pp 113-46); B. Geremek, ‘Vexemplum et la circulation de la culture au Moyen Age’ (153-79). Also Bausinger, H., ‘Zum Beispiel’, Festschrift K. Ranke: Volksüberlieferung (Göttingen 1968) pp 9–18Google Scholar; id., ‘Exemplum und Beispiel’, Hessische Blätter für Volkskunde 59 (1968) pp 31-43; Delcorno, , L’exemplum nella predicazione volgare di Giordano da Pisa (Venezia 1972)Google Scholar; Doglio, Ṁ. L., L’exemplum nella novella latina del ‘400 (Torino 1975)Google Scholar; Dardano, M., Lingua e tecnica narrativa nel Duecento (Roma 1969) pp 17–37Google Scholar ‘L’exemplum mediolatino’; Klapper, J., Art. ‘Exempel’ in Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte, 3 (1977) pp 413–8Google Scholar; Leclercq, J., ‘The Image of St. Bernard in the Late Medieval Exempla Literature’, Thought 54 (1979) 291–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goff, J. Le, ‘Vita et pre-exemplum dans le deuxième livre des Dialogues de Grégoire le Grand, Hagiographie, Cultures et Sociétés, IV^e-XII^e s., (Colloques C.N.R.S.: Paris 1981) pp 105–20Google Scholar; Idem (et al.), L’exemplum: Typologie des Sources du Moyen Age Occidental (Turnhout 1982); Nigro, S. Lo, ‘L’exemplum e la narrativa popolare del secolo XIII’, in La letteratura popolare (Atti del 300 Convegno di Studi sul folklore padano: Firenze 1972) pp 319–28Google Scholar; Mehl, [J. M.], [‘L’exemplum chez Jacques de Cessoles,’] Moyen Age 84 (178) pp 227–46Google Scholar; Oppel, [H. D.], ‘Exempel [und Mirakel’, AKC 58 (1976) pp 96–114Google Scholar; id., ‘Zur neueren Exempla-Forschung’, DA 28 (1972) 240-3; H., R. and Rouse, M. A., Preachers, [Florilegia and Sermons: Studies on the Manipulus florum of Thomas of Ireland (Studies and Texts 47: Leiden 1979);Google Scholar] Schmitt, J.-C., ‘Recueils franciscains d’ exempla et perfectionnement des techniques intellectuelles du XIIIe au XV^e siècle’, BEC 135 (1977) pp 5–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tubach, F. C., Index Exemplorum (FF Communications 204: Helsinki 1969)Google Scholar; id., ‘Exempla in the Decline’, Traditio 18 (1962) pp 407-17; id., ‘Strukturanalytische Probleme: Das mittelalterliche Exemplum’, Hessische Blätter für Volkskunde 59 (1968) pp 25-43.

¹⁵ Schenda, [R.], [‘Stand und Aufgaben der Exemplaforschung’,] Fabula 10 (1969) pp 9–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also id. ‘Die protestantisch-katholische Legendenpolemik im 16. Jh.’, AKG 52 (1970) pp 28-48. For other efforts to mediate between the two positions see e.g. Battaglia, [S], [La coscienza letteraria del medioevo] (Napoli 1965) pp 447–86Google Scholar (L’esempio medievale), 487-548 (Dall’esempio alia novella); [A-D] von den Brincken, [Geschichtsbetrachtung bei Vincenz von Beauvais, Die Apologia Actoris zum Speculum Maius’,] DA 34 (1978) pp 410-99; Coenen, H. G., ‘Argumentieren mit Fabeln’, Grazer Linguistische Studien 10 (1979) pp 7–18Google Scholar; Daxelmüller, C., ‘Exemplum’, Enzyklopädie des Märchens s. 1., 3 (Berlin-New York 1983) cols 627–59Google Scholar; Friedrich, [H.], [Die Rechtsmetaphysik der Göttlichen Komödie, Francesca da Rimini] (Frankfurt a.M. 1942)Google Scholar; Fuhrmann, [M.], [Das Exemplum in der antiken Rhetorik’,] Poetik und Hermeneutik, 5: Geschichte-Ereignis und Erzähtung (München 1973) pp 449–52Google Scholar; Gebien (op. cit. in n 13) pp 78-100 (Das Exempel im Mittelalter); Jauss, H. R., ‘Negativität und Identifikation …: Das Exemplarische als Übergang von ästhetischer zu moralischer Identifikation’, Poetik und Hermeneutik, 6: Positionen der Negativität (München 1975) pp 311–14Google Scholar; id. Alterität und Modernität der mitlelalterlichen Literatur (München 1977) pp 42-49; Kleinschmidt, [E.], [Herrscherdarstellung: Zur Disposition mittelalterlichen Aussageverhaltens: untersucht an Texten über Rudolf 1. von Habsburg] (Bern-München 1974) pp 77–90Google Scholar; Lhotsky, [A.], [‘Über das Anekdotische in spätmittelalterlichen Geschichtswerken Österreichs’,] Bausteine zur Geschichte Öslerreichs: Festschrift für H. Benedikt = Archiv für Österreichische Ceschichte 125 (1966) pp 76–95Google Scholar; Smalley, B., ‘Moralists and philosophers in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century’, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 2 (1963) pp 60–7Google Scholar; id., [English] Friars [and Antiquity in the Early Fourteenth Century] (Oxford 1960) pp 9-65. For general (anthropological, philosophical and linguistic) aspects of a theory of the exemplum see above n 12, and especially Bausinger, [H.], [Formen der] Volkspoesie (Berlin 1968/1980) pp 210–25Google Scholar; Blumenthal, A. von, ‘Typos und Paradeigma’, Hermes 63 (1928) pp 391–414Google Scholar; Bollack, J., “Vom System der Geschichte zur Geschichte der Systeme’, Poetik und Hermeneutik, 5: eschichte-Ereignis und Erzählung (München 1973) pp 11–28Google Scholar (discussed ibid pp 443-6); Buck, G., Über die Identifizierung von Beispielen, Bemerkungen zur Theorie der Praxis, Poetik und Hermeneutik, 8: Identitüt (München 1979) pp 61–81Google Scholar; id. Art. ‘Beispiel’ (n 12), cols 816-23; Domseiff, [F.], [‘Literarische Verwendungen des Beispiels’], Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg 4 (1924/25) pp 206–28Google Scholar; Demandt, A., Geschichte als Argument (Universitäts-Reden 46, Konstanz 1972)Google Scholar; Guenée, [B.], Histoire [et Culture historique dans l’Occident médiéval] (Paris 1980) pp 346–49Google Scholar (Exemples et précédents); Lipps, [H.], [‘Beispiel, Exempel, Fall und das Verhältnis des Rechtsfalles zum Gesetz’], Die Verbindlichkeit der Sprache (Frankfurt a.M. 1944/1977) pp 39–65Google Scholar; Snell, B., ‘Gleichnis, Vergleich, Metapher, Analogic Der Weg vom mythischen zum logischen Denken’, Die Entdeckung des Geistes (Göttingen 1975) pp 178–204Google Scholar; Suleiman, S., ‘Le récit exemplaire’, Poetique 32 (1977) pp 468–89Google Scholar; Trompf, G., The Idea of Historical Recurrence in Western Thought (Berkeley 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; N. Zorzetti, ‘L’esemplaritá come problema di ‘psicologia storica’: un bilancio provvisorio’, Rhetorique et Histoire (op. cit. above n 13) pp 147-52.

¹⁶ See Linder, [A.], ‘John of Salisbury’s Policraticus in Thirteenth-Century England’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Inst. 40 (1977) pp 276–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id. ‘The Knowledge [of John of Salisbury in the Late Middle Ages’], Studi Medievali 18.2 (1977) pp 315-66; Ullmann, [W.], [‘John of Salisbury’s Policraticus in the Later Middle Ages’, Festschr.f. H. Löwe: Geschkhtsschreibung undgeistiges Leben im Mittelalter (Köln-Wien 1978)] pp 519–45Google Scholar; Smalley, Friars pp 45, 54-5, 61, 69-71, 85-8, 102, 128, 151, 155, 215, 230, 241, 260, 270, 277, 318. The most important channel for the wide but usually anonymous diffusion of the exempla contained in the Policraticus was the extensive plagiarism of Helinand of Froidmont in his De bono regimine principis, the Chronicon, and De magistratuum moderalione. These were then incorporated by Vincent of Beauvais into his Speculum maius without Vincent mentioning (or probably even realising) that John was their author. See Paulmier-Foucart, M., ‘L’Atelier de Vincent de Beauvais: Recherches sur l’état des connaissances au Moyen Age’, Moyen Age 85 (1979) pp 87–99 at p 95Google Scholar: ‘Hélinand … n’est pas une source comme les autres, mais la chair meme de l’oeuvre de Vincent de Beauvais’; Hublocher, H., Helinand von Froidmont und sein Verhältnis zu Johannes von Salisbury: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Plagiates in der mittelalterlichen Literatur (Regensburg 1913); Ullmann pp 522–5Google Scholar; Linder, ‘The Knowledge’ pp 324-6. Forjohn of Wales, a conscious imitator of the Policraticus, see Smalley, Friars pp 51-5 and passim; Ullmann pp 524-5; Linder, ‘The Knowledge’ p 327. For Chaucer see Linder ibid pp 345-6; Ullmann p 523; and Robertson, [D. W.], [A Preface to] Chaucer (Princeton 1962) p 513CrossRefGoogle Scholar (Index s.1.). Unlike Pézard, A., ‘Du Policraticus à la Divine Comédie ’, Romania 70 (1948/9) pp 1–36, 163–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barchiesi, M., Un tema classico e medievale: Gnatone e Taide (Padova 1963) pp 52–64Google Scholar and passim; and Zanoletti, G., Il bello come vero alia scuola di Chartres: Giovanni di Salisbury (Roma 1979) pp 113–17Google Scholar (Le derivazioni dantesche dal Policraticus), Linder, ‘The Knowledge’ pp 324-5, 345 does not seem to indicate a direct influence of the Policraticus on Dante, who on the contrary depended on the Helinand-tradition.

¹⁷ See e.g. Policraticus [ed C. C. I. Webb (London 1909/Frankfurt a. M. 1965)], ii.25, 1 p 136 lines 5 f, ‘…michi multorum auctoritate et ratione persuasum est. Quod si tibi pcrsuadere non possum … michique repugnantibus exemplis quae de variis affers historiis…’; vi.6, 2 p 18.3, ‘Antiquaset modernas revolvehistorias, et plane invenies quia…. Ne longe petantur exempla…!’; vi. 17, 2p 44.21, ‘Neque enim a Romanis et Grecis tantum nobis sunt exempla virtutis, nam et domesticis abun-damus. Tradunt historiae Brennum ducem. …’ viii.18, 2 pp 363-4, ‘Haec quidem possunt et apud alios historicos inveniri diffusius…. Quae si quis diligentius recenseri voluerit, legat ea quae Trogus Pompeius, losephus …et alii historici, quos enumerare longum est, suis comprehendcrunt historiis…. Praeter rem tamen non videtur, si haec…aliquibus astruamus exemplis’; iv. 11, 1 p 27.21,’…quod et historiarum liquet exemplis’; ii.27, 1 p 145.20 (after the exempla of Croesus and Pyrrus), ‘Ad notiores transeatur historias: Apius….’ Other references for historiae = story, anecdote, exemplum are Policraticus iv.4, 1 p 71.6; ii.14, 1 p 87.10; ii. 15, 1 p 91.18; iv. 12, 1 p 276.15; v.7, 1 p 314.33; v.8, 1 p 314.30; vi. 14, 2 p 39.26; viii. 19, 2 p 371.14; viii.17, 2 p 346.10; viii.20, 2p 376.2, 377.31-378.1; viii.21, 2 p 393.30. This is a common medieval use: see Oppel, ‘Exempel’ (n 14) pp 101-2; Curtius, E. R., ‘Mittelalter-Studien VI: Die Musen im Mittelalter’, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 59 (1939) pp 129–88 at p 178Google Scholar referring to Isidor, Etym. i.43; Keuck, K., Historia: Geschichte des Wortes und seiner Bedeutungen in der Antike und in den romanischen Sprachen (Diss. Münster-W. 1934) pp 25–8, 119–20Google Scholar; B. Guenée, ‘Histoire, annales, chroniques. Essai sur les genres historiques au m.â.’. Annales E.S.C. (1973) pp 997-1016 at p 1003; Histoire (n 15) pp 18-9; Kleinschmidt (n 15) pp 87-90.

¹⁸ Policraticus, Prol, 1, p 12.1, ‘Iocundissimus cum in multis, turn in eo maxime est litterarum fructus, quod omnium interstitiorum loci et temporis exclusa molestia, amicorum sibi invicem praesentiam exhibent, et res scitu dignas situ aboleri non patiuntur…. Exempla maiorum, quae sunt incitamenta et fomenta virtutis, nullum omnino erigerent aut servarent, nisi pia sollicitudo scriptorum et triumphatrix inertiae diligentia eadem ad posteros transmisisset. Siquidem vita brevis, sensus hebes, negligentiae torpor, inutilis occupatio, nos paucula scire permittunt, et eadem iugiter excutit et avellit ab animo fraudatrix scientiae, inimica et infida semper memoriae noverca, oblivio’. Historia Pontificalis, Prol, p 3, ‘Horum (cronicorum scriptorum) vero omnium uniformis intentio est, scitu digna referre, ut per ea que facta sunt conspiciantur invisibilia Dei (Rom 1:20) et quasi propositis exemplis premii vel pene, reddant homines in timore Domini et cultu iustitie cautiores.’ For these famous prologues see Atkins, [J. W. H.], [English Literary Criticism: The Medieval Phase,] (Cambridge 1943) pp 76–8Google Scholar; Spörl, [J.], [Grundformen hochmittelalterlicher Geschichtsanschauung] (1935/Darmstadt 1968) pp 81–2Google Scholar; Misch (n 8) pp 1208-10; Lacroix, B., L’historien au moyen âge (Montreal-Paris 1966) pp 170–1Google Scholar; Guenée (n 15) pp 26-7. See below n 26.

¹⁹ Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 12.17, ‘Quis enim Alexandras sciret aut Cesares, quis Stoicos aut Peripateticos miraretur, nisi eos insignirent monimenta scriptorum…. Nullus enim umquam constanti gloria claruit, nisi ex suo vel scripto alieno. Eadem est asini et cuiusvis imperatoris post modicum tempus gloria, nisi quatenus memoria alterutrius scriptorum beneficio prorogatur …’; Ibid p 16.13: ‘Neque enim Alex-andrum vidi vel Cesarem: nee Socratem Zenonemve, Platonem aut Aristotilem disputantes audivi; de his tamen et aliis aeque ignotis ad utilitatem legentium retuli plurima.’

²⁰ See Rijk, L. M. De, ‘Facts and Events: The Historian’s Task’, Vivarium 17 (1979) 1–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rousset, P., ‘Un problèmede méthodologie, l’événement et sa perception’, in Mélanges R. Crozet (Poitiers 1966) 1, pp 315–21.Google Scholar

²¹ Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 16.9, ‘Omnes ergo qui michi in verbo aut opere philosophantes occurrunt, meos clientes esse arbitror et quod maius est, michi vendico in servitutem; adeo quidem ut in traditionibus suis seipsos pro me Unguis obiciant detractorum. Nam et illos laudo auctores’. Thus, not only philosophical writers but also opere philosophantes are called auctores. For other implications of this passage see below p 245. For the definition of(exempla in the rhetorical tradition see Auctor ad Herennium iv.62, ‘Exemplum est alicuius facti aut dicti praeteriti cum certi auctoris nomine proposito’ (cf Gebien, pp 56-8) adapted by John of Garland in his Parisiana Poetria (ed T. Lawler, New Haven-London 1974) p 10, line 147 = Poetria ed G. Mari, Roman. Fosch. 13 (1902) p 888,’ Quid inveniatur in exemplis consideremus: exemplum est dictum vel factum alicuis autentice persone imitatione dignum.’ For this tradition see Knapp, Similitudo (n 13) pp 85-7, Jennings (n 13) p 217; Mehl(n 14) p 241.

²² See Dal Prà (n 8) 2 pp 35-63: La filosofia come interpretazione pratica del conoscere; Kerner pp 37-42; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 63-94 etc; below n 162 (Metal, Prol p 4).

²³ Policraticus, iii.14, 1 p 231-2, P-s cxl.5 presented as an exemplum Davidis; iv.6, 1 p 256.23: the famous Platonic sentence about the most fortunate respublicae ‘si eas philosophi regerent aut rectores earum studere sapientiae contigisset’ attributed to Socrates and combined with Prov. xv.21 ill this way: ‘et (si tibi Socratis videtur contempnenda auctoritas), “Per me, inquit Sapientia, reges regnant…”’; iii.7, 1 p 187.26, Prov. i.10 as a dictum of Solomon; p 189.24 the sapiens understood biographically as Ovid (Pont ii.3.19-20); p 189.29: Laelius is teaching instead of Cicero (De Amic iv. 15) and arbiter noster for Petronius (Sat 80) ‘etsi alterius videatur induisse personam’. In Policraticus i.5, 1 p 37 and i.6, 1 p 40 dicta Catonis or Platonis as exempla, not as quotations from Disticha Catonis or Macrobius. In Policraticus viii.6, 2 p 254 f. and viii.7, 2 p 270.20 Postumianus (Portunianus) a person of the Saturnalia, is quoted like a special author (cf Schaarschmidt p 91): ‘Si quis ea nosse desiderat … percurrat Portuniani civilia instituta!’ In the same way Brutus and Cato are presented as exempla and auctores, not as figures from the Pharsalia in Policraticus, viii.23: see [P.] von Moos, ‘Lucans tragedia [im Hochmittelalter, Pessimismus, contemptus mundi und Gegenwartserfahrung (Otto von Freising, Vita Heinrici IV, Johann von Salisbury)’], Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 14 (1979) pp 127-86, esp pp 167-76. See arso Brinkmann, [H.], [‘Die Einbettung von] Figurensprache [in Autorensprache’], Mélanges J. Fourquel (München–Paris 1969) pp 21–41Google Scholar; and ‘Zeichen [erster und zweiter Ordnung in der Sprache’], Integrate Linguistik: Festschrift for H. Gipper (Amsterdam 1979) pp 1-11, p 5 concerning the rhetorical argumentum.

²⁴ Policraticus, vii.9, 2 pp 127.16-128.6, ‘Cicero dicens: Poetas et varios scriptores artium aut rerum gestarum solus ille contemptibiles facit qui non veretur contempni. Nam et virtutis habent usum et philosophandi materiam praebent; notant enim, non docent vitia, et aut utilitatis causa grata sunt aut voluptatis. Sic autem per morum discrimina transeunt ut virtuti faciant locum. Nam per tela, per ignes, per maris varias procellas, per …pertransiit…ut ad patriam suam saltern in senectute Ulixes repedaret. Socios variis exilii amisit casibus, sed eos aut fortunae violentia aut naturae infirmitas aut animi voluptas absumpsit. Horum tamen omnium iocunda relatio est. Nam vel amici praevisus casus, etsi amarus sit, proficit ad cautelam; et quo familiarior fuit cum labente societas, eo casus quemque magis absterret; siquidem exemplis saepe magis proficitur quam praeceptis. Mala enim vitantur facilius quo fidelius praecognita fuerint. Vix et quodammodo solus evasit Ulixes, sed ad phiiosophiae iocunditatem et quasi patrias voluptates pauciores evadunt.’ See also a similar statement in Policraticus ii.4, 1 p 21 concerning the myth of Ganymed, and, for the opposition between utilitas and poetry in a moral sense: Moos, P. von, ‘Poeta und historicus im Mittelalter’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literature (1976) pp 93–130 at pp 100–1Google Scholar; Knapp, [F. P.], [‘Historische] Wahrheit und [poetische] Lüge. [Die Gattungen weltlicher Epik und ihre theoretische Rechtfertigung im Hochmittelalter’], Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrifl für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 54 (1980) pp 581–635 at pp 587–8, 592–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the concept of cautela see Schülz, M., Die Lehre von der historischen Methode bei den Geschichtsschreibem des Mittelalters (Berlin-Leipzig 1909) pp 68–9, 75.Google Scholar

²⁵ See above n 23, and a similar comparison of praecepta and exempla, ars and usus in Policraticus vi. 18, 2 p 56-7. For the general tradition of this opposition see (n 13) Alewell p 91, Gebien p 52-3, Döring p 19; Pétré, pp 17-8, Komhardt pp 3-5, 21, 59, von Moos, Consolatio 3 §§ 1346 f; Jaeger, C. S., ‘The Prologue to the Historia calamitatum and the “Authenticity Question”’, Euphorion 47 (1980) pp 1–15 at pp 3–4Google Scholar; Landfester (n 12) pp 58-9.

²⁶ Policraticus, vii.9, 2 p 128.7 (immediately following the quotation in n 24), ‘Consonat ei, si liricum conticente lira dignaris audire, Flaccus …qui plus honestatis et utilitatis se apud Meonidem invenisse gratulatur quam plurium Stoicorum sit praeceptis expressum. Aitenim….’ (Hor. Ep i. 2 passim). Cf the similar testimony in Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum, ed T. Arnold, RS 179 (1872) pp 1-2; see Smalley, B., ‘Sallust in the Middle Ages’, Classical Influences on European Culture A.D. 500-1500 (Proceedings of an int. Conf. at Cambridge, ed Bolgar, R. R., Cambridge 1971) pp 165–76 at pp 166–7Google Scholar; Partner, N. F., Serious entertainments: The Writing of History in Twelfth Century England (Chicago-London 1977) pp 19–20.Google Scholar

²⁷ Policraticus vii.9, 2 p 126.13, ‘Hi (sc. poetae) stupra adulteriacfue conciliant, varias doli reparant artcs, furta rapinas incendia docent, quae sunt aut fuerunt, immo quae fingi possunt, malorum exempla proponunt oculis multitudinis imperitae …strages quantas isti faciunt morum?’ And after an allusion to the seduction by a lascivious picture, as described in Terence’s Eunuchus (III.v.37 f): ‘Similies in singulis picturas videt miratur et laudat multitude). Nam quae virtutis incitamenta sunt, rarus spectator adtendit’.

²⁸ Policraticus, Prol. 1 p 14.25-8, ‘Nugas pro parte continet curiales, et his magis insistit quibus urgetur magis. Pro parte autem versatur in vestigiis Philosophorum; quid in singulis fugiendum sit aut sequendum relinquens arbitrio sapientis. ‘See a similar passage in n 18 (Historia Pontijicalis, Prol).

²⁹ Metalogicon, iii.10, pp 156.24-157.11, ‘Inductio vero lenior est, sive maturiori incessu a pluribus progrediatur ad unum universale aut particulare, sive acriori impetu ab uno, ad exempli formam, inducto, ad unum inferendo prosiliat (cf Arist. Anal. Priora ii.24). Hie autem modus magis oratoribus congruit; interdum tamen ornatus aut explicationis causa conducit et dialectico; magis enim persuasorius est quam urgens. Unde, sicut Marcus Tullius in Rhetoricis testis est, Socrates hoc argumentandi genere sepissime utebatur (Cic. De inv. I.xxxi.53; cf Arist. Rhet. ii.20, 1393 b; Quint. Inst. V.xi.3). Ceterum cum exempla ad probandum quid aut plura feruntur aut singula, convenientia esse debent et ex quibus scimus; qualia Homerus, non qualia Cherillus (cf Hor. A.P. 357). Si autem ab auctoribus transumantur, Homero quidem Grecus, Latinus autem Vergilio utatur et Lucano; domestica namque exempla magis movent, et ignota dubiorum non faciunt fidem.’ (For the definitions of Aristotle see Benoit (n 3) and Anal. Priora 68615-29; 69 a 3-8, 17-9; Rhet 1357 a 14-5, b 27-30; 1356 b 22-3. For example and enthymeme see Schepers, H. in Hist. Wbrterbuch d. Philos. 2 (1972) cols 528–38Google Scholar and Sprute, J., Topos und Enthymem in der aristotelischen Rhetorik’, Hermes 103 (1975) pp 68–90Google Scholar, esp pp 74-6. For the importance of the Aristotelian theory of induction in the works of John of Salisbury see Liebeschütz (n 8), ‘Chartres’, p 5; Med. Humanism pp 67-8; ‘Das zwölfte Jh.’, pp 266-7; Odoj (n 8) pp 46-54; [D. D.] McGarry, ‘Educational Theory in the Metalogicon of John of Salisbury; Speculum 23 (1948) pp 659-76 at pp 666-7; Schneider, A., ‘Die Erkenntnispsychologie des Johannes von Salisbury’, Festschrift C. von Hertling (Freiburg 1913), pp 324–30Google Scholar; Dowdell, V. L., Aristotle’s Influence on John of Salisbury, (Diss. Abstr. Cornell Univ. Ithaca 1930); Kerner pp 38–9; Hendley (n 8) pp 192–4.Google Scholar

³⁰ See e.g. Lausberg (n 13) § 271, p 154; § 257 p 143; Friedrich (n 15) pp 30-31; Gebien (n 13) pp 50-53, 89; Geerlings (n 13) p 150; Smalley, Friars (n 15) p 42. See Policraticus, vi.19, 2 p 56-7, ‘praecepta … ad scientiam instruantur, illis (sc. exemplis) accendantur et animentur ad virtutem’. For incitamenta virtutis in this sense see Policraticus i Prot, 1 p 13.7; iii.9, 1 p 19; vii.9, 2 p 126.24.

³¹ See Lausberg §§ 845, 412 and Battaglia (n 15) p 451; Quint. Inst VIII.iii.73, ‘… debet enim quod inlustrandae alterius rei gratia adsumitur, ipsum esse clarius eo quod inluminat.’ Rhet ad Herenn. IV.i.2, ‘Non ergo oportet hoc nisi a probatissimo sumi, ne, quod aliud confirmare debeaf, egeat id ipsum confirmationis.’ For the logical function in Aristotle see Benoit (n 3) pp 184-6.

³² See Kerner pp 38-9.

³³ See Brooke, C. N. L., The Twelfth Century Renaissance (London 1969) p 61Google Scholar and idem Introduction (n 11) p xlviii; Martin, [J.], ‘Uses [of tradition: Gellius, Petronius and John of Salisbury’], Viator 10 (1979) pp 58–76 at pp 62–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. John expresses his educational intention in the prologue to Policraticus, 1 p 15.20, ‘Quae vero ad rem pertinentia a diversis auctoribus se animo ingerebant, dum conferrent aut iuvarent, curavi inserere, tacitis interdum nominibus auctorum; turn quia tibi utpote exercitato in litteris pleraque plenissime nota esse noveram, turn ut ad lectionem assiduam magis accenderetur ignarus’.

³⁴ Policraticus, vi.28, 2 p 82.85; cf also Policraticus, vii.15, 2 p 155.21, ‘Si michi non credis, liber de Consolatione Philosophiae revolvatur … iii.12, 1 p 213.18, ‘Si michi non credis, vel Aquinati nostro aures accommoda!’ ii.22, 1 p 129.22, ‘et ne me solius opinionis lubrico fluctuare putes auctorem quo me tueor magnum profero Augustinum’; vi.27, 2 pp 80-1, ‘…non tamen ego, sed Spiritus sapientiae … non ego, sed Altissimus dicit et facit haec omnia’ (for biblical quotations). For the military image see below n 114 (Policraticus, Prol 1, p 16.7) and Metalogicon, iii. Prol, p 118; ‘Et quia propriis non habundo, amicorum omnium iaculis indiffcrenter uto. …’

³⁵ Policraticus, vii.19, 2 p 168.30; ii. 17, 1 p 99.24, he apologizes for his memory: ‘…quidam, nomen etenim a memoria excidit, etsi narrationis auctorem magnum teneam Augustinum….’ See below n 97.

³⁶ Policraticus, v. 12, 1 p 338.14, ‘Nee multum refert ad propositum Pitagoras an Protagoras, sicut Quintiliano placet et Agellio, litigaverit; neque enim vis est in nomine, dum constet rem ambiguam sine temeritate diffiniri non posse.’ This indifference towards historical details is a general characteristic of the exempla tradition, as Komhardt (n 13) stresses p 25.

³⁷ Policraticus, vii.5, 2 p 111.11; cfBrucker, C. A., ‘A propos de quelques hellénismes dejean de Salisbury et de leur traduction au XlVe siècle’, Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi (Bulletin Du Cange) 39 (1974) pp 85–94Google Scholar: pp 89-90 for the words pentanomius and polinomius coming from Jerome.

³⁸ Policraticus, v. 10, 1 p 328.9, ‘Tale aliquid in veterum Romanorum scriptis invenies. Cum Publius Cineus Grecinus (aut si alio potius dicitur nomine) argueretur ab amicis …respondit’. In the source, Hieron., Adv. Iovinianmn i.48 (PL 23 292 B) however we find: ‘Legimus quemdam apud Romanos nobilem, cum eum amici arguerent … dixisse….’ Even in the indirect source, Plutarch, De nuptialibus praeceptis 22, Strobaeus Serm 72 there is no Grecinus. See Martin, ‘Uses of tradition’ (n 33) p 67.

³⁹ Policraticus, iii.14, 1 p 225.2 following Augustinus De civ. Dei iv. 4. See [J.] Martin, [John of Salisbury’s] Manuscripts [of Frontinus and Gellius’, ] Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 40 (1977) pp 1-26 at p 19 refuting the hypothesis of any lost classical source. For the tradition of this exemplum up to Villon, who probably knew it from the translation of the Policraticus by Denis Foulechat, see Guiette, R., ‘Alexandre et Diomedès’, Forme et sénéfiance (Genève 1978) pp 135–245.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Friedrich (n 15) pp 55-6; Kleinschmidt (n 15) p 86; v. Moos, Consolatio (n 13) I/II § 1030.

⁴¹ Policraticus, v.7, 1 p 310.26; see Martin, Manuscripts (n 39) p 22 and the parallel statement in Policraticus, vii.l, 2 p 92.27, ‘Nee moveat, si qua eorum, quae hie scribuntur, aliter inveniantur alibi, cum et historiae in diversis gestorum casibus sibi invicem reperiantur contrariae, sed ad unum utilitatis et honestatis proficiunt fructum’.

⁴² Policraticus, viii. 19, 2 p 370.1, ‘Sed haec sibi nequaquam obviunt, cum diversis temporibus potuerint accidisse’. For the tradition of this exemplum in the Later Middle Ages see Under, Knowledge (n 16) p 328.

⁴³ Policraticus, viii.21, 2 p 380.26, ‘Nee moveat si alio et alio nomine censeatur in diversis historiis, quia pro traditione Hebreorum, sicut leronimus auctor est, idem pentanomius extitit. Dictus est enim Salmanasar et Sennacherib et Phul et Teglad Phalasar et Sargon. Nisi enim polinomius habeatur, historicorum quadam contrarietate dissidentium quandoque vacillabit auctoritas’. This follows Jerome, Comtn. in haiam xxxvi.1 (PL 24. 381) and xx.1 ibid (188) concerning IV Reg xviii.9 f.: see Brucker (above n 37) p 89.

⁴⁴ Other examples are Policraticus, vii.5, 2 p 111 ‘de morte Platonis’; ibid viii. 14, 2 p 331.14 (Aristides or Aristoteles’?); iv.5, 1 249.15 concerning an anecdote of Petronius: ‘An vera sit relatio et fidelis incertum est, et de facto Caesaris diversi diversa sentiunt’; viii.21, 2 p 393.5 (the death of Julianus Apostata); ii. 11. 1 p 84 concerning the signs during Christ’s Passion: ‘Scio plures aliter hinc locutos, sed Dionisium (sc. Areopagitam) praefero, quia quod vidit scripsit; alii proprias sequuntur opiniones.’

⁴⁵ See Policraticus, viii. 13, 2 p 327.23, ‘Haec quidem aut vera fuerunt aut verisimilia. Nichil enim hiis neque credibilius fingi neque manifestius ostendi potuit.’ For the underlying general historical consciousness see Kleinschmidt (n 15) pp 79, 87; Friedrich (n 15) pp 25, 39; Knapp, Similitudo (n 13) pp 72-3, 178; Mehl (n 14) p 244; Melville, [G.], [‘System und Diachronie. Untersuchungen zur theoretischen Grundlegung geschichtsschreiberischer Praxis im Mittelalter’] HJch 95 (1975) pp 33–67, 308–41 at pp 63–4Google Scholar; Sanford, E. M., ‘The Study of Ancient History in the Middle Ages’, Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (1944) pp 21–43 at p 42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ray, R. D., ‘Medieval Historiography through the Twelfth Century’, Viator 5 (1974) pp 33–59 at p 47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the practice of conferring historical dignity on fictitious stories see in general: Kech, [H.], [Hagiographie als christliche Unterhattungsliteratur, Studien zum Phänomen des Erbaulichen anhand der Mönchsviten des hl. Hieronymus] (Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik 225: Göppingen 1977) pp 30–35Google Scholar; Flint, [V. I. J], [The Historia regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth: Parody and its Purpose, A suggestion’], Speculum 54 (1979) pp 447–68Google Scholar; Curtius, Europ. Literaturp 70; Knapp, ‘Wahrheit … und Lüge’ (n 24) pp 588-96; below n 116.

⁴⁶ Policraticus, viii.11, 2p 301.14, ‘In muliebremlevitatemabauctoribuspassimmulta scribuntur. Fortasse falso interdum finguntur plurima nichil tamen impedit ridentem dicere verum (Hor. Sat 1.i.24) et fabulosis narrationibus, quas philosophia non reicit, exprimere quid obesse possit in moribus. …’ After this cautious introduction John writes at the end of the story, p 304.17, ‘Tu historiam aut fabulam quod iis verbis refert Petronius pro libitu appellabis, ita tamen ex facto accidisse Effesi et Flavianus auctor est, mulieremque tradit impietatis suae et sceleris parricidalis et adulterii luisse penas’. For this passage and its sources see Martin, ‘Uses’ (n 33) p 73; Kerner (n 8) pp 105-7.

⁴⁷ Policraticus, ii.15, 1 p 91.17 (cf Phars i. 186: ‘ingens visa duci patriae trepidantis imago’), ‘Quod si imperii nullam in veritate, quae sic appareret, credidit quis fuisse imaginem, historiarum fide certiorabitur’. This is an old problem treated in the commentaries on Lucan. See e.g. Arnulfus of Orléans, Glosulae super Lucanum ed B. Marti (Rome 1958) ad Phars. i. 186, p 34, ‘habitus patriae per cogitationem representatus. Quidam sompnium, quidam deliberationem fuisse dicunt, sed Vacca in rei veritate sic fuisse affirmat’; Marti, B., ‘Vacca in Lucanum, Speculum 25 (1950) pp 198–214 at p 206.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁸ Policraticus, vi.24, 1 pp 67-71 at p 71.16: ‘Et cum plurima nunc pro se, nunc contra se respondisset, apologum huiusmodi proposuit. Ait ergo: “Accidit ut adversus stomachum membra …conspirarent ….”’ John is following an excerpt of Livius in Florus ixs.17 (23). See Nestle, W., ‘Die Fabel des Menenius Agrippa’ Griechische Studien (Aalen 1968) pp 502–76Google Scholar. It is noteworthy that the story is presented by Quintilian (Inst. V.xi.19) as a lower sort of the exemplum, called fabella, apologatio: ‘ducere animos solent praccipue rusticorum et imperitorum qui et simplicius quae ficta sunt audiunt, et capti voluptate facile iis quibus delectantur, consentiunt’. See (n 13) Lausberg § 416, p 229); Knapp, Similitudo pp 78-80. This is not the only substitution of a famous dictum to pope Adrian; in Policraticus, iii.7, 1 p 187.13John pretends: ‘Memini me audisse Romanum pontificem solitum deridere Lumbardos, dicentem eos pilleum in omnibus colloquentibus facere’, which is a quotation from Paulus Diaconus (MGH SS 27, p 45).

⁴⁹ See Linder, ‘The Knowledge’ (n 16) pp 344-5: ‘one of the more popular anecdotes associated with John’. Petrarca, De remediis utriusque fortunae, i. 107; Rerum memorandarum iii.95; Famil. ix.5, ‘quod inter philosophicas nugas legi… ab illo scripta sunt qui ex ore. loquentis audierat’.

⁵⁰ In Policraticus, vii. Prol, 2 p 93.8 John justifies the use of his personal experience: ‘Quaedam vero, quae in libris auctorum non repperi, ex usu quotidiano et rerum experientia quasi de quadam morum historia excerpsi’. See also above n 34.

⁵¹ Metalogicon, iii.4, p 136.2, ‘Preterea reverentia exhibenda est verbis auctorum, cum cultu ec assiduitate ucendi; turn quia quandam a magnis nominibus antiquitatis preferunt maiestatem, turn quia dispendiosius ignorantur, cum ad urgendum aut resistendum potentissima sint. Siquidem ignaros in modum turbinis rapiunt, et metu perculsos exagitant aut presternum; inaudita enim philosophorum verba tonitrua sunt. Licet itaque modernorum et veterum sit sensus idem, venerabilior est vetustas’.

⁵² Metalogicon, iii.10, p 154 f; iii.5, p 140; see Murphy, J. J., ‘Two Medieval Textbooks in Debate’, Journal of the American Forensic Assoc. 1 (1964) pp 1–6Google Scholar; ‘Rhetoric’, pp 104-5; Kerner pp 51-3; Garfagnini, G. C., ‘Giovanni di Salisbury, Ottone di Frisingia e Giacomo da Venezia’, Rivista critica distoria della filosofia 27 (1972) pp 19–34 at pp 24–5Google Scholar; Grabmann, M., ‘Aristoteles im zwölften Jahrhundert’, Medieval Studies 12 (1950) pp 123–162 at pp 155–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵³ Metalogicon, iii. 10, p 154.24, ‘sua docet (dialectica) arma tractare et sermones potius conserere quam dexteras’; p 161.19, ‘Proinde rationum undecumque ad statuen-dum vel destituendum positionem conquirenda est copia, ut urgendi instandique facultas comparetur. Et, si adversarius deest, secum quisque experiatur que, quot et quanta proposite questionis articulum muniant aut impugnent; sic enim facile erit quique idoneus ad cogendum et reluctandum seu philosophandum fuerit, urgentias instantiasque habens aut superabit aut evadet cum gloria aut decenter sibi et sine ignominia superabitur’.

⁵⁴ Policraticus, vii.2, 2 pp 98-9; Metalogicon, i. Prol p 4; Policraticus, ii.22, 1 p 122; vii.8, 2 p 122; see above all Dal Pra (n 8) pp 46-53, 64-93, 159-60; and also Odoj (n 8) pp 10-33, 44, 62-3; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism, pp 75-6; Misch pp 1264-9; Garfagnini, ‘Ratio disseratdi’ (n 8) pp 925-6.

⁵⁵ Policraticus, v.7, 1 p 307 argumentum: ‘Quae mala vel bona subiectis proveniant de moribus principum; quod et aliquorum strategemmaticis roboratur exemplis’; p 314, ‘Constantia quoque cum ex pluribus strategemmatibus pateat, in virtute Romanorum maxime claret. Eorum siquidem magnificentia et virtute, si omnium gentium historiae revolvantur, nichil clarius lucet’; viii.14, 2 p 334.13, ‘Occurrent multa huiusmodi quae laudis vcrae poterunt praestare materiam, si quis antiquorum vafre dicta vel facta strategemmata et strategemmatica quoque recenseat. Ceterum (quia saepe strategemmatum mentio facta est et res nominis non usquequaque cunctis innotuit) Valerius Maximus strategemmata sic diffinit ut dicat (vii.4) quia eius pars calliditatis egregia et ab omni reprehensione procul remota, cuius opera, quia appellatione vix apte exprimi possunt, Greca pronunciatione strategemmata appellantur. Proprie tamen strategemmata sunt quae ad rem pertinent militarem; nam ab eo dicuntur stratilates. Quae vero contra propriae appellationis notam ad res alias pertinent (Julio Frontino teste) strategemmatica appellantur; distat enim strategemmaticum a strategemmate quomodo genus a specie Differt’ (cf Frontinus, Strategemalica i. praef., ed G. Bendz, Frontinus, Kriegslisten (Berlin 1963). See Martin, Manuscripts (n 39) pp 1-4; Kerner pp 32-3, 39; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism, pp 68-70; for a parallel in a letter of Coluccio Salutati: Kessler, Das Problem der frühen Renaissance (n 12) p 182.

⁵⁶ De civ. Dei i.22 (CC 47, 1955) p 24.26: ‘Non modo querimus utrum sit factum, sed utrum fuerit faciendum. Sane quippe ratio etiam exemplis anteponenda est, cui quidem et exempla concordant, sed ilia, quae tanto digniora sunt imitatione quanto excellentiora pietate’. See (n 43) Buisson, Potestas p 27; Geerlings pp 150, 177, 184-5; von Moos, Consolatio 1/2 § 1127; 3 § 1346.

⁵⁷ See Lander, G., Art. ‘Erneuerung’ in RAC 6 (1966) col 265Google Scholar; Geerlings (n 13) pp 151, 155-7; Pétré, Art. ‘Exemple’ (n 13) col 1887; Lumpe (n 13) cols 1229-30.

⁵⁸ Ten. De virg. vel. i.1 (CC 50.2) p 1209: ‘sed Dominus noster Christus veritatem se, non consuetudinem cognominavit’. For the influence of this dictum see Moos, P. von, Hildebert von Lavardin (Stuttgart 1965) pp 259–60, 310 (nr 11-12), 314 (nr 40).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Policraticus, i.4, 1 pp 21-28 (exempla contraria), pp 29-30 (exempla refutanda); see Kerner p 166.

⁶⁰ Policraticus, ii.25, 1 p 136.3, ‘Ceterum artem esse quo quis de futuris ad omnia interrogata verum respondeat, aut omnino non esse, aut nondum innotuisse hominibus, michi multorum auctoritate et ratione persuasum est. Quod si tibi persuadere non possum, obstantibus his quae michi de providentia et fato indesinenter opponis, michique repugnantibus exemplis quae de variis affers historiis, persuasi tamen michi huic non adquiescere vanitati’. See B. Helbling-Gloor, Natur uni Aberglaube im Policraticus des Johannes von Salisbury (Diss. Zürich: Einsiedeln 1956) pp 54-5’.

⁶¹ Policraticus, ii.27, 1 p 157-8 (Cato, Vulteius, Cleopatra, Lucretia); cf ibid v. 17, 1 pp 360-1 and iii.9, 1 p 197 (Cato); see Miczka, [G.], [Das Bild der Kirche bei Johannes von Salisbury,] (Bonn 1970) p 37Google Scholar, and for the tradition of this problem (n 13): Buisson, Potestas, p 27 (Aug, De Civ. Dei, i. 18, 23); Gebien pp 145-8. Another problematical example is the tyrannicide of Judith in Policraticus, viii.-20, 2 pp 376 f.

⁶² For this principle see Buck, Art. ‘Beispiel’ (n 15) cols 821-2; Doring (n 13) pp 14-5, 18-9; Bausinger, Volkspoesie (n 15) p 218; Kessler, Geschichtsdenken (n 12) p 12; von Moos, Consolatio (n 13) 1/2 § 197, 3 §§ 454-505, 1119-21.

⁶³ See below pp 235-6.

⁶⁴ See Policraticus, iv.5, 1 p 248.1; Letter 288, 2 p 642; Policraticus, ii. 16, 1 p 95.30; see Miczka (n 61) p 38.

⁶⁵ Policraticus, viii.10, 2 p 292.

⁶⁶ Policraticus, ii.22, 1 p 131.15; see Ph. Delhaye, ‘Le dossier [anti-matrimonial de l’Adversus Jovinianum et son influence sur quelques écrits latins du XIIIe siècle], Mediaeval Studies 13 (1951) pp 65-86: p 79 for John’s tendency to mitigate some exaggerations of Jerome.

⁶⁷ Policraticus, vii.20, 2 p 186 f: to prove the independence of the prince from law ‘conquisita exempla proponunt quibus persuadeant potestatibus universa licere. Maxime tamen sicubi locorum fuerint inveterata consuetudo optineat, etiam si rationiadverseturautlegi’. SeeKernerpp 144-6; Policraticus, iii.5, 1 p 182; exempla ‘ad subornandum vitium’. vii. 12, 2 p 142: ‘Magno se iudice quisque tuetur’ (Lucan, Phars i.127) … colligit quisque quo suam possit heresim confirmare’. See Webb (n 8) pp 54-6.

⁶⁸ Policraticus, vii. 19, 2 p 175-8; see Webb (n 8) p 56, Miczka (n 61) p 39. As a conclusion see also the sentence p 180.21: ‘Neque enim quod a multis peccatur peccatum non est; sed ideo gravius quia multum’.

⁶⁹ See below n 119 and Lausberg §§ 410-26 for the functional, not generic character of the exemplum in the rhetorical sense.

⁷⁰ See Spörl (n 18) p 81; Miczka (n 61) pp 36-8.

⁷¹ For similar methods in John’s literary model see I. Opelt, Hieronymus’ Streitschriften (Heidelberg 1973) pp 43-53, 191.

⁷² See e.g. (n. 13) Alewell p 95; Nordh pp 225, 229, 231-2; Kornhardt pp 10, 20-3, 65-8, 86; Dornseiff (n 15) p 218; Gebien (n 13) pp 44-5, 66-7, 112-5, 144, 160-70; Fuhrmann (n 15) pp 451-2; H. von Campenhausen, ‘Die Entstehung der Heilsgeschichte…in der Theologiedes 1. und 2. Jahrhunderts’, Saeculum 21 (1970) pp 189-212 at p 191; Marrou, [H. I.], [Saint] Augustin [et la fin de la culture antique] (Paris 1938/1958) pp 132, 146–7Google Scholar; Buisson (n 13), ‘Exempla’ pp 458-9; idem, ‘Kirchenrecht’ pp 103-5; Geerlings pp 148-50; Kleinschmidt (n 15) pp 82-6, 178.

⁷³ See (n 13) Kornhardt pp 10, 20; Nordh pp 231-2, 229; Lausberg § 581; ‘Rhétorique et Histoire’; David p 85.

⁷⁴ See (n 13) Kornhardt pp 65-8, 86; Gebien pp 66-7; Marrou (n 72), Augustin pp 115-6, 132, 146-7; Geerlings (n 13) pp 148-9; Nordh (n 13) p 227; Dornseifl”(n 15) p 221.

⁷⁵ Caplan, H., ‘Rhetorical Invention in Some Medieval Tractates of Preaching’, Speculum 2 (1927) pp 284–95 at pp 291, 294.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁶ These problems were stressed by Liebeschütz in his Mediaeval Humanism, pp 67-73, 94; see also Brooke, pp xlii-xliii; Bolgar, R. R., The Classical Heritage and its Beneficiaries (Cambridge 1954/73) p 199Google Scholar, ‘The classical anecdotes torn from their context have a purely rhetorical character. They exist in John’s consciousness as a collection of examples to back his moral judgements, which spring ready-made out of his own experience’.

⁷⁷ See Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism, pp 55, 72-3; von Moos, ‘Lucans tragedia’ (n 23) pp 137-9, 143-4, 168-9. For Alexander and Caesar as symbols see Graus, F., Lebendige Vergangenheit: Überlieferung im Mitterlalter und in den Vorstellungen vom Mittelalter (Köln-Wien 1975) pp 31–4Google Scholar; A. Heuss, Art. ‘Caesar’ in RAC 2, col 822.

⁷⁸ Policraticus, viii. 18-19, 2 pp 358-72.

⁷⁹ Policraticus, vi.15, 2 pp 40-1.

⁸⁰ Policraticus, ii. 18. 1 p 100.6; cf Hieron. Ep xxii.30. Misch (n 8) pp 1171-3’: …Skrupel, die der mittelalterliche Humanist ähnlich wie der hochgclehrte Heilige wegen seiner Vorliebe für die “heidnischen” Autoren hatte oder haben zu müssen glaubte’. For the correct interpretation see Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism, p. 66.

⁸¹ See above p 226 f. Other examples are Policraticus, i.4 and 5, 1 pp 24 and 36 (Ulysses and hunting); iv.5, 1 p 249.15 (the invention of an indestructible glass), viii.5, 2 p 110 (authenticity of an authority); viii.13, 2 pp 320, 327 (Quintilian’s criticism of Seneca); viii.14, 2 p 331 (Aristides or Aristoteles); ii.27, 1 pp 159-60 (Cato).

⁸² Policraticus, iv. 11, 1 pp 272-4; see the thorough interpretations of Kerner pp 200-2 and Liebeschütz 249-50. It is noteworthy that Quintilian (Inst V.xi.6-7) uses this example to illustrate the exemptum dissimile.

⁸³ Policraticus, iv. 11. 1 p 272.5.

⁸⁴ Ibid, p 272.10.

⁸⁵ Ibid, p 272.15, ‘Ego enim campum istum oratoribus late patere cognovi, et in eo declamatores in ancipiti materia saepius desudasse, dum in absolutione parricidii fides laborat et parricidalis impictas meritum fidei conatur extinguere’. See H. Bornecque, Les déclamations el les déclamateurs d’après Sénèque le Père, (Lille 1902).

⁸⁶ Policraticus, iv.11, 1 p 273.7.

⁸⁷ See p 227; Garfagnini, ‘Ratio disserendi’ (n 8) pp 925-6 notes the ‘academical’ position of John with respect to time. For this see Metalogicon, iv.31, p 199: ‘Tertium gradus nostrorum est, qui scntentiam non praecipitant in his que sunt dubitabilia sapienti’. Another anecdote for philosophical delay concerns Pythagoras in Policraticus, v. 12, 1 pp 338-90. This is contrasted with the impatient temeritas of Alexander (ibid p 335).

⁸⁸ Policraticus, iv.11, 1 p 273.7, ‘Ceterum Brutum et mulierem deliquisse consentiam facile eo quod “excesserit medicina modum, nimiumque secuta est,/qua morbi duxere, manum” et, licet magna fuerint crimina, praestantius fuerat eadem sine punientis crimine vendicari’. See Phars II 142-3 in the version of Augustin, De civ. Dei iii.27, (CC 47) p 93; for John’s knowledge of Lucan see von Moos’, Lucans tragedia (n 23) pp 167-76.

⁸⁹ Policraticus, iv.11, 1 p 273.14, by a personal interpretation of Aen. vi.20-3.

⁹⁰ Ibid, p 273.21.

⁹¹ Ibid, p 273.24 following I Reg. xiv (Saul), ii.29, iii.13, iv.18 (Eli).

⁹² Mediaeval Humanism pp 116-7; see also ‘Chartres’ (n 8) p 13 and similar statements in Schaarschmidt (nil) pp 87, 191-2; Ullmann, (n 16) p 520; Atkins (n 18) pp 66-7; Tolan, E. K., ‘John of Salisbury and the Problem of Medieval Humanism’, Etudes d’hist. litt. et doctr. 19 (Montreal 1968) pp 189–99 at p 190Google Scholar; C. Uhlig, (n 10) pp 41, 61-2; Knowles (n 11) p 137; see Kerner (n 8) pp 129, 189-90.

⁹³ Cilento, [V.], [Medio evo monastico e scolastico] (Milano-Napoli 1961) pp 122–3Google Scholar, ‘Il fascino del Policraticus deriva altresi dal suo disordine. E un disordine apparente, beninteso. II disordine di una conversazione, di un dialogo, di una diatriba classica. II disordine di Petronio, di Apuleio, di Plutarco’.

⁹⁴ See Kerner pp 37-40, 119, 189-91; Smalley, [B.], [The] Becket [Conflict and the Schools] (Oxford 1973), p 99Google Scholar; Misch (n 8) pp 1256, 1267.

⁹⁵ For John see Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 67-70; Kerner pp 37-40; Schaarschmidt (n 11) pp 131-2. For the traditions in general see Howald, E., Vom Geist antiker Geschichtsschreibung (München-Berlin 1944) pp 14–7, 41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kleinschmidt (n 15) pp 82-5, 178; Drijepont, H. L. F., Dieantike Theoriedes ‘varietas’ (Spudasmata 37: Hildesheim 1980) pp 92–107Google Scholar; Oltramare, A., Les origines de la diatribe romaine (Lausanne 1926) p 13Google Scholar, ‘… la seule unité qu-on y puisse trouver est une variété constante et forcée’; Rohde, E., Dergriechische Roman und seine Vorlüufer (Wiesbaden 1914/Hildesheim 1974) pp 290–4, 606–7.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ For the technique see H. Kech, (n 45) pp 21, 61-2, 30-34, 189; Partner (n 26) pp 195-7.

⁹⁷ Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 15.20; see also ii. 17, 1 p 99.24 above n 35; iv.6, 1 p 255.23, ‘…legisse me memini quod…’; viii.20, 2p 378.4; vii.12, 2 141.1: ‘Ut enim quidam ait (verbis namque manentibus nomen excidit)

⁹⁸ A review of the divergent positions is to be found in Kerner pp 194-9; see also Garfagnini, G. C., ‘Legittima potestas e tirannide nel Policraticus; Riflessioni sulla sensibilità politica di un clericus per i problemi storici-politici’, Critica storka 14 (1977) pp 575- 609Google Scholar; H., R. and Rouse, M. A., ‘John of Salisbury and the Doctrine of Tyrannicide’, Speculum 42 (1967) pp 693–709Google Scholar and the contribution of J. C. P. Van Laarhoven in this volume pp 319-41; see below n 132.

⁹⁹ See e.g. Dörrie, H. ‘Zum Problem der Ambivalenz in der antiken Literatur’, Antike und Abendland 16 (1970) pp 85–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Buisson, Potestas (n 13) pp 31-4; Exempla (n 13) pp 460-3; Auerbach, E., Typologische Motive in der mittelalterlichen Literatur (Krefeld 1964) pp 24–5Google Scholar; Robertson, [D. W.], [‘Some Literary] Terminology [with Special Reference to Chrétien de Troyes’], Studies in Philology 48 (1951) pp 669–92 at pp 670–1Google Scholar; Brinkmann, H., Mittelalterliche Hermeneutik (Tubingen 1980) pp 27–9, 180–1, 267CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jeauneau, [E.], ‘L’usage de la notion d’integumentum à travers les gloses de Guillaume de Conches’, Archives d’hisloire doctrinale et littéraire du MA 24 (1957) pp 35–100Google Scholar = [Lectio philosophorum, Recherches sur I’Ecole de Chartres] (Amsterdam 1973) pp 127-92 at p 133-42.

¹⁰⁰ See Jeauneau (n 99) p 139 quoting a MS of the glosses to Boethius and commenting: ‘Un moderne penserait qu’en se multipliant les interpétations se détruisent les unes les autres. Pour les hommes du XII^e siècle elles témoignaient, par leur multiplicité même, de la richesse du texte à commenter. Ce dernier était une pièce d’or d’un prix inestimable dont on ne saurait jamais, fût-ce au prix de nombreux commentaires, finir de rendre la monnaie’.

¹⁰¹ Abaelard, Theologia Christiana i 117, CC cont. med. 12(1969)p 121 (=Introductio ad theologiam i.20, PL 178. 1028 A-B), ‘Si quis autem me quasi importunum ac violcntum cxpositorem causetur, co quod nimis improba expositione ad fidem nostram verba philosophorum detorqueam, et hoc eis imponam quod nequaquam ipso senserint, attendat illam Caiphae prophetiam (John xviii. 14) quam Spiritus sanctus per eum protulit, longe ad ahum sensum earn accomodans quam prolator ipse senserit. Nam et sancti prophetae cum aliqua Spiritus sanctus per eos loquatur, non omnes sentientias ad quas se habent verba sua intelligunt; sed saepe unam tantum in eis habent, cum Spiritus ipse qui per eos loquitur, multas ibi provideat, quarum postmodum alias aliis expositoribus et alias aliis inspirat. Unde Gregorius in Registro ad Ianuarium episcopum Caralitanum scribens loquitur (cf Reg 3 Ep 67, PL 77. 668 A-B), “… Sicut enim ex uno auro alii murenulas, alii anulos, alii dextralia ad omamentum faciunt, ita ex una Scripturae sacrae sententia expositores quique per innumeros intellectus quasi varia ornamenta componunt, quae tamen omnia ad decorcm caelestis sponsae proficiunt.”’ (Caiphae prophetia sc John xi.50-1, xviii. 14, ‘Expedit unum hominem mori pro populo’). For this passage see Jeauneau loc. cil. and Dronke, P., Fahula. Explorations into the Uses of Myth in Medieval Platonism (Mittellateinische Studien und Texte 9: Leiden-Köln 1974) pp 63–7Google Scholar; for the concept of integumentum see the review of Meier, C., ‘Überlegungen zum gegenwärtigen Stand der Allegorie-Forschung’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 10 (1976) pp 1–69 at pp 9–14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰² Metalogicon prol p 3, ‘Metalogicon inscriptus est liber, quern quatuor voluminibus ad recreationem lectoris distinguere curavi. More scribentium res varias complexus sum, quas quisque suo probabit aut reprobabit arbitrio’. Like Abaelard, John neglects the voluntas auctoris in favour of the real, i.e. spiritual sense, e.g. when he makes Seneca write about the Holy Spirit in Metalogicon, iv.16, p 182, ‘ratio Hebreorum consentit Senece diffinitio, etsi ille aliud senserit; ait enim: Ratio est quaedam pars divini Spiritus humanis immersa corporibus’. The littera is more than the voluntas auctoris, because it contains the objective sensus, which has to be excutiendus in a thoroughly methodological way without precipitate distortions; see Metalogicon, iii.1, p 121, ‘Littera enim suaviter excutienda est et non more cap-tivorum acerbe torquenda, donee restituat quod non accepit. Porro austerus nimis et durus magister est, tollens quod positum non est et metens quod non est seminatum….’ But also i.24, 54, ‘Auctores excutiat et sine intuentium risu eos plumis spoliet…! (cf Horace, Ep 1.iii. 18-20,) and concerning the Bible Policraticus, vii. 12, 2 p 144, ‘Divinae paginae libros … eo quod thesaurus Spiritus sancti, cuius digito scripti sunt, omnino nequeat exhauriri. Licet enim ad unum tantummodo sensum accomodata sit superficies litterae, multiplicitas misteriorum intrinsecus latet et ab eadem re saepe allegoria fidem, tropologia mores variis modis edificet; anagoge quoque multipliciter sursum ducit ut litteram non modo verbis sed rebus ipsis instituat. At in liberalibus disciplinis, ubi non res, sed dumtaxat verba significant, quisquis primo sensu litterae contentus non est, aberrare videtur michi…ego siquidem ilium sequar qui litteram aperit et quasi superficie patefacta sensum, ut ita dicam, historicum docet’. For these and similar passages of John see Schaarschmidt (n 11) pp 83-4; McGarry (n 29) p 665; Robertson, ‘Terminology’ (n 99) pp 691, 676-8, Chaucer (n 16) p 342; Helbling-Gloor (n 60) pp 86-7; Glunz, [H. H.], [Die Literarästhetik des europäischen Mittelalters] (1937/Frankfurt 1963) pp 59–60, 181–2Google Scholar; Lubac, H. de, Exégèse Médiévale: Les quatre setts de l’Ecriture (Paris 1959) 1 pp 462–3.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ For the metaphor of the ‘book of nature’ see Curtius, Europ. Lit. pp 323-9; Rothacker, E., Das ‘Buch derNatur’ (Bonn 1979) p 31Google Scholar (John) and passim; Demandt, [A], Metaphem [für Geschichte] (München 1978) pp 382–3Google Scholar; Blumentberg, H., Die Lesbarkeit de Welt (Frankfurt 1981) pp 48–57Google Scholar and passim. An exhaustive study is being prepared by F. Ohly of Münster.

¹⁰⁴ Policraticus, vii.10, 2 pp 130-4, ‘Omnes scripturas esse legendas …’; p 130.1; ‘Omnes tamen scripturas legendas esse probabile est, nisi sint reprobatae lectionis, cum omnia non modo quae scripta sed etiam quae facta sunt ad utilitatem hominis, licet eis abutatur interdum, instituta credantur;’ p 130.10, ‘Ab initio benedixit Deus homini dicens: “Crescite et multiplicamini et replete terram et subcite earn et dominamini piscibus maris et volatilibus celi et universis animantibus quae moventur super terram” (Gen i.28-9). Et adiciens omnem herbam afferentem semen et universa ligna in usu suo … concessit eis in cibum;’ p 130.28,’…dominium terrae et bestiarum terror priviliegium potestatis, victualium universitas est indicium libertatis: omnia siquidem munda mundis’ (Tit i. 15, cf Rom xiv.20); p 131.30, ‘…consentio ut …per gratiam adiciatur subiectio terrae quam cum in se ipse homo subiecerit, dominium sui aliorumque consequitur, ut, cunctis animantibus praelatus, timorem et tremorem incutiat omnibus quae moventur in terra. Sunt ei ergo cuncta in cibum quia in omnibus creaturis ei verba salutis suae loquitur Dominus. … Omnis enim instructio salutis quodammodo verbum Dei est, et a quocumque Veritas doctrinae proferatur, acceptanda est eo quod Veritas incorrupta semper et incorruptibilis est’. For the whole passage the principal source is Augustine, Coiifxiii; see especially xiii.20 for the interpretation of Gen i.22; and xiii.24; 36-7: ‘Novi enim multipliciter significari per corpus, quod uno modo mente intelligitur et multipliciter mente intelligi quod uno modo per corpus significatur…. In his omnibus nanciscimur multitudines et ubertates et incrementa; sed quod ita crescat et multiplicetur, ut una res multis modis enuntietur et una enuntiatio multis modis intelligatur, non invenimus nisi in signis corporaliter editis et rebus intellegibiliter excogitatis.’; xiii.26, 39 for the symbolism of food; xiii.32, 47 for the privilege of power; xiii.34, 49, ‘Inspeximus etiam, propter quorum figurationem ista vel tali ordine fieri vel tali ordine scribi voluisti, et vidimus quia bona sunt singula et omnia bona valde….’ See also Glunz (n 102) pp 55-60; and Robertson, Chaucer (n 16) p 342 with reference to Augustine, De doctrina. Christiana, II.xviii.28; The Literature of Medieval England (New York 1970) pp 264-6.

¹⁰⁵ Policraticus, vii.10, 2 p 130.5 (Rom xv.4), ‘Quaecumque enim scripta sunt ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt, ut per patientiam et consolationem scripturarum spem habeamus’. The quotation appears with the same meaning in Policraticus, iii.8, 1 p 193.29, ‘… ea quae a philosophis gentium publicae utilitatis gratia scripta sunt audire quid prohibet? Quaecumque enim, inquit, scripta sunt ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt…’ There is no cautious distinction as in the Commeniutn in Theodulum of Bernard of Utrecht i. 183-5, ed R. B. C. Huygens (Spoleto 1977) p 27, ‘At dices: “quaecumque scripta sunt, ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt”, et ego: dissuadendo quidem quaedam vero suadendo.’ (See above p 219). For Rom xv.4 often quoted to justify the principle of historia magistra vitae see Lacroix (n 18) pp 169-70; Thompson, [R. M.], ‘The Reading of William [of Malmesbury’], RB 85 (1975) pp 362–402 at p 374Google Scholar (together with 1 Thess v.21).

¹⁰⁶ See above pp 217, 257-9; Dal Pra (n 8) pp 117-8 for a neo-platonic touch of John’s conception of history. For ‘history as a continuation of creation’ see Augustine, De doctrina Christiana II.xxviii.44, ‘Narratione autem historica cum praeterita etiam hominum instituta narrantur, no inter humana instituta ipsa historia numeranda est; quia iam quae transierunt, nee infecta fieri possunt, in ordine temporum habenda sunt, quorum est conditor et administrator Deus.’ See Boehm, [L.], [‘Der wissenschaftstheoretische Ort der historia im früheren Mittelalter’], Speculum Historiale; Festschr. für J. Spörl (München 1965) pp 663–93 at p 668Google Scholar; Meier, [C], [‘Grundzuge der mittelalterlichen] Enzyklopadik, [Zu Inhalten, Formen und Funktionen einer problematischen Gattung’], Laienbildung im Spätmittlalter (DFG-Kolloquium: Wolfenbüttel 1981)Google Scholar; von den Brincken, (n 15) p 437-40; Goff, [J.] Le, [‘Au Moyen Age.] Temps de l’église [et Temps du marchand’ Pour un autre Moyen Age (Paris 1977) pp 46–79Google Scholar at pp 46-50; J. Plagnieux, ‘Faireet créer chez S. Augustin’ (Note complémentaire à De nat. et orig. anim. 1), Bibliothèque Augustinienne 22 (3^e sér., 2, La crise Pelagienne: Paris 1975) pp 767-74.

¹⁰⁷ See n 104 (Policraticus, vii.10, 2 p 132).

¹⁰⁸ See n 104; Policraticus, vii.10, 2 p 132.20, ‘Dummodo vitia fugias, quod volueris lege’. Cf Aug., In Epp.loan., v.4(PL35. 2014); v. 12 (2018), ‘Diligeet quod vis fac;’ Hier. Ep cxxv. 11 (quoted by John at the end of the same chapter p 134.26), ‘Ama scientiam scripturarum et carnis vitia non amabis;’ see Schaarschmidt (n 11) p 84.

¹⁰⁹ Besides vii. 9-10 as a whole we may note John’s appreciation of compilers, abbreviators and encyclopedists as his predecessors: see Policraticus, i. 11, 1 p 50.14 (Varro); viii. 18, 2 p 363.28 (Orosius); viii.10, 2 p 284 (Macrobius); v.7, 1 p 314; viii.14, 2 p 334 (Frontinus). John’s encyclopedic inclinations have been criticized by Liebeschiitz, Med. Humanism pp 1-2; Brooke, Introduction (n 11), pp xliii-xliv, ‘…a memory more richly stored than any but the largest medieval libraries’, … ‘a man who knew too much to be a philosopher, with a memory too facile for sound digestion’, …‘his interests were encyclopedic rather than analytical;’ pp xliv-xlv, ‘The Policraticus and the Metalogicon seem to be two fragments of a vast encyclopedia of the liberal arts of philosophy and politics: the conception ultimately derives from Martianus Capella and St. Isidore, but its closest parallel is Hugh of St. Victor’s Didascalion’. For a more positive understanding of the same qualities see Atkins (n 18) pp 66-7; Munk-Olsen, B., ‘L’humanisme dejean de Salisbury, un cicéronien au XII^es.’, Entretiens sur la Renaissance iu 12^e siècle, ed Gandillac, M de et Jeauneau, E. (Paris 1968) pp 53–83 at p 59CrossRefGoogle Scholar (John as an enemy of all specialists); Smalley, Becket (n 94) pp 97-80; Robertson, Chaucer (n 16) p 342; Kerner pp 1-2, 123-5. For an unprejudiced view of the encyclopedic ideal in the Middle Ages see Meier ‘Enzyklopädik’ (n 106) and Rouse, Preachers, Florilegia and Sermons (n 14) pp 3-5.

¹¹⁰ Concerning the method of ‘de omni re in utramque partem probabiliter disputari’ John writes in Metalogicon, iii.10, p 163-4: ‘Ipsam vero, sicuti est, deprehendere veritatem, divine vel angelice perfectionis est, ad quam tanto quisque familiarius accedit, quanto verum querit avidius, amat ardentius, examinat fidelius et in contemplatione eius iocundius delectatur’. See also Enlheticus, ed E. Pepin, Tradilio 31 (1975) pp 127-94 at p 148, v.386 f,’Luxaccensanimisetnonaccensacaducis,/Ut videant homines, se minuendo facit./Nullus enim totam caperet; se temperat ergo,/Ut queat infirmus illius esse capax’. see McGarry (n 29) pp 665-6 and W. Wetherbee, Platonism and Poetry in the Twelfth Century, Princeton 1972) pp 91-2 for Metalogicon, iv.36-40.

¹¹¹ Policraticus, vii.8, 2 p 122.5, concerning the different ways of the ancient schools of philosophy to reach the same goal of summum bonum: … ‘de quibus dubitare et quaerere libcrum est, donee ex collatione propositorum quasi ex quadam rationum collisione Veritas illucescat’. Policraticus, vii.2, 2 p 98-9 and Metalogicon, iii. 10 p 164 for the principle in utramque partem. See p 227. Metalogicon, iii.1, p 122.3, ‘Quicquid autem littere facies indicat, lector fidelis et prudens interim veneretur ut sacrosanctum, donee ei alia docente aut Domino revelante Veritas plenius et familiarius innotescat. Quod enim unus fideliter et utiliter docet, alter eque fideliter et utiliter dedocct ….’; p 123.12, ‘Si quid autem …in quavis scripturarum intellectu difficilius occurrit, non statim deterreat legentem et audientem, sed procedat; quia se invicem interpretantur auctores et singule scripture vicissim sunt indices aliarum, unde legentem plurima aut nulla aut paucissima latent’.

¹¹² See pp 250-1 Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 12.9, ‘Exempla maiorum …nullum erigerent aut scrvarent, nisi pia sollicitudo scriptorum et triumphatrix inertiae diligentia eadem ad posteros transmisisset;’ ibid p 13.18: ‘Ad haec in dolore solatium, rccreatio in labore, in paupertate iocunditas …a litteris mutuatur …Nullam in rebus humanis iocundiorem aut utiliorem occupationem invenies …Experto crede, quia omnia mundi dulcia his collata exercitiis amarescunt’. For thejustification of pleasant stories see Policraticus, viii.12, 2 p 315.20; viii.9 p 282; viii.9, p 301.16, ‘…nihil impedit ridentem dicere verum (Hor. Sat. 1.i.24) et fabulosis narrationibus, quas philosophia non reicit, exprimere quid obesse possit in moribus;’ i. 10, 1 48.24; and Suchomsky, [J.], [‘Delectatio’ und ‘utilitas’, Ein Beilrag zum Verständnis mittelalterlicher komischer Literatur] (Bern-München 1975) pp 46–52Google Scholar. A rhetorical authority for collecting exempla was Quint, Inst Xll.iv.l, ‘In primis vero abundare debet orator exemplorum copia cum veterum turn etiam novorum’. For the popularity of exempla-collections in twelfth century England see Smalley, Friars(n 15) pp 49.53; Southern, Aspects (n 6) II, 1971, pp 173-4; Flint (n 45) pp 450-4; Thompson, [R. M.], ‘William [of Malmesbury] as Historian [and Man of Letters], JEH 29 (1978) pp 387–413Google Scholar; ‘The Reading of William’ (n 105) pp 362-402.

¹¹³ For this paradox see Gandillac, M. de, ‘Encyclopédies pré-médiévales et médiévales’, La pensée encyclopédique au moyen âge, ed Gandillac, M. de et al. (Neuchâtel 1966) pp 1–42 at pp 18–9Google Scholar: ‘le double thème d’un désintérét pour le “monde”-entendu comme synonyme de péché-et d’une admiration pour le “monde”-considéré comme oeuvre divine’ as a christian analogy to the stoic problem of conquest and admiration of the world. For the latter see Gauthier, R. A., L‘idéal de la grandeur de l’âme dans la philosophic païenne et dans la théologie chrétienne (Paris 1951) pp 169–72, 267–70Google Scholar and passim; Rieks, R., Homo, humanus, humanitas (München 1967) pp 112–3Google Scholar. For John’s view of this important problem see Liebeschütz, ‘Chartres …’ (n 8) 11-2.

¹¹⁴ Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 16.4: ‘Haec quoque ipsa, quibus plerumque utor, aliena sunt, nisi quia quicquid ubique bene dictum est facio meum, et illud nunc meis ad compendium, nunc ad fidem et auctoritatem alienis exprimo verbis. Et quia semel coepi revelare mentis archana, arrogantiam meam plenius denudabo. Omnes ergo qui michi in verbo aut opere philosophantes occurrunt, meos clientes esse arbitror, et quod maius est, michi vendico in servitutem; adeo quidem ut in traditionibus suis seipsos pro me Unguis obiciunt detractorum’. For this passage see Dal Prà (n 8) p 42 (influence of Seneca); Liebeschütz Med. Humanism pp 62-3 (method of appropriation); Glunz (n 102) pp 52-6 (liberty and self-assurance of medieval humanism); Smalley, Becket (n 94), ‘John treated the pagans as his clients and servants. He wanted to show that the Bible and pagan philosophy … reinforced each other’ (see below p 248); Misch p 1211, ‘So unbekümmert verwendete er seine antiken Reminiszenzen, seiner Ankündigung getreu, dass er die alten Autoren wie Hörige in seinen Dienst nehmen werde;’ Harth, [D.], [Philologie und praktische Philosophic Untersuchungen zum Sprach- und Traditionsverständnis des Erasmus von Rotterdam] (Humanistische Bibliothek 1.11: München 1970) pp 16–23, 29Google Scholar (contrasts this approach to’ Vasallen’ and ‘Sklaven’ with the true humanistic veneration of classical authors). The most important points of reference are Seneca, Ep. Ixxx. 1, ‘… non ergo sequar priores? facio, sed permitto mihi et invenire aliquid mutare et relin-quere. Non servio illis, sed adsentior’. Cf Ep, xxxiii.8-9; lxxxiv.5; Hor. Ep. i. 19; ii.3, 119-20 and other classical statements concerning the relation between originality and tradition, as analysed by Reiff, A., lnterpretatio, imitatio, aemulatio, (Diss. Würzburg 1959) pp 59–60, 72, 107–9Google Scholar; Hadot, I., Seneca (Berlin 1969) pp 179–82Google Scholar. Nevertheless John declares quite the opposite position, when speaking of the Bible in Policraticus, vii. 13, 2 pp 147-8, ‘Ineptus est qui Scripturis a quibus instruen-dus est, appetit dominari et captivato sensu earum ad intellectum suum eas nititur trahere repugnantes. Nam in eis quaerere quod non habent, proprium sensum obstruere est, non addiscere alienum. … Serviendum est ergo Scripturis, non dominandum, nisi forte quis se ipsum dignum credat ut angelis debeat dominari’. It seems to be an intended irony that John uses the same metaphors of service and ‘clients’, but inverts their meaning when he characterizes his relation to the spurious or even fictitious source of the Institutio Traiani in Policraticus, vi Prol, 2 p 10, ‘Dum Plutarchi vestigia in Traiani Institutione familiarius sequor, meipsum hac imagine arbitror compellari eroque ludibrio omnium nisi persequar quod incepi. Me in praesenti clientem esse professus sum’. Subintende: John is himself the author, as all his authors are his clients! For the problem of the Institutio Traiani the thesis of Liebeschtüz seems irrefutable after the new arguments of J. Martin (see in this volume pp 179-201) in spite of the attempt of Kerner to prove its ancient origin; see Kerner, M., ‘Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Institutio Traiani ’, DA 23 (1976) pp 558–71Google Scholar (see p 564 for the discussed parallel between Prol. i and vi and below n 131).

¹¹⁵ Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 17.17: ‘scripturarum quoque testimoniis … quandoque usus sum; ita tamen ut nichil fidei aut bonis moribus inveniatur adversum, ac si sententias tarn modernas quam veteres eadem incommutabilis Veritas genuisset’. See pp 241-2, 249.

¹¹⁶ Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 15.20, 25, ‘… non omnia quae hie scribuntur, vera esse promitto, sed sive vera seu falsa sint, legentium usibus inservire;’…’… quia haec figmenta nostrae famulentur instruction!, non ambigo;’ p 16.18, ‘…et me officiosis fateor usum esse mendaciis …et me mendacii reum esse consentio, qui scriptum novi, quia omnis homo mendax’ (Ps cxv.ll); p 17.30, ‘Si quis ignotos auctores … calumpniatur aut fictos, redivivum Platonis, Affricanum Ciceroni sompniantem, et philosophos Saturnalia exercentes accuset, aut auctorum nostrisque figmentis indulgeat, si publicae serviunt utilitati’. See Liebseschütz, Med. Humanism p 25; for the leading concept of argumemum (concerning the ‘probable’ images of Socrates, Er, Scipio and the discussing ‘Postumianus’, ‘Praetextatus’ and ‘Evangelus’ in the works of Plato, Apuleius, Cicero and Macrobius) see Brinkman (n 23), Zeichen’ p 5 and ‘Figurensprache’ passim; Knapp, ‘Wahrheit und Luge’ (n 24) pp 588-96, 607-9; above n 45.

¹¹⁷ Some classicist exaggerations are quoted by Misch (n 8) pp 1167-9. For criticism see the several publications of J. Martin (nn 33, 39) her yet unpublished dissertation, John of Salisbury and the Classics, (Cambridge, Mass. 1968) and her contribution to this volume pp 179-201. The convincing results of these studies do not deny John’s capacity for creative appropriation or assimilation of his most distinguished sources: see Mollard, A., ‘La diffusion de l’lnstitution Oratoire au XII^e siècle,’ MA 44 (1934) pp 161–75; 45 (1935), pp 1–8Google Scholar; and Seel, O., Quintilian oder die Kunst des Redens und Schweigens (Stuttgart 1977) pp 240–5Google Scholar for Quintilian and Seneca; Nethdurft, K.-D., Studien zum Einfiuss Senecas auf die Philosophic und Theologie des 12. Jahrhunderts (Leiden-Köln 1963) pp 114–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar for Macrobius and Seneca; von Moos, ‘Lucans tragedia’ (n 23) pp 167-9 for Lucan.

¹¹⁸ See above p 222.

¹¹⁹ See above p 220, n 29 and Metalogicon, iii.9-10. See Hendley (n 8) pp 184-191. For the connection between exemplum and topos by the central concept of inventio see above n 21 (John of Garland), Knapp, Similitudo (n 13)pp 87-8; Riposati, B., Studisui topica di Cicerone (Milano 1947) pp 101–3Google Scholar (Cic. Top. 41-5); McCall, H. M., Ancient Rhetorical Theories of Simile and Comparison (Cambridge, Mass. 1969) pp 114–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Price (n 13) pp 106-10; David, ‘Maiorum exempla sequi’, Rhétorique et Histoire (n 13) pp 68-9; Caplan (n 75) pp 287 (Arist. Rhet. ii.26, 1 and Rhet. ad Her. ii.30-47), 292; Nordh (n 13) p 226; Lumpe (n 13) cols 1231, 1237-8; Geerlings (n 13) pp 149-52 (Augistin and Quintilian); Lausberg § 227 (Quint./nif v.xi.36-41); Bornscheuer, L., Topik’, Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte 4 (1981) pp 454–75 at p 469Google Scholar; idem, Topik, Zur Struktur der gesellschaftlichen Einbildungskraft (Frankfurt 1976) pp 35-6, 41, 43, 48; ‘Topik’, Beitrüge zur interdisziplinüren Diskussion, ed D. Breuer et al (München 1981), in the contributions of A. Cizek (pp 35-6), O. Pöggeler (pp 109-12), B. Spillner (p 256), H. F. Plett (pp 307-10); Melville (n 45) pp 329-30.

¹²⁰ See Lausberg § 420 and Gebien pp 64-5 for the degrees of relation between causa and exemplum: above p 233.

¹²¹ See Policraticus, iv.6, 1 pp 251-3, iv.3, p 242; vii Prol, 2p 93; viii.20, 2 p 373; viii.25, p 421; II 27, 1 p 145; iii.9, 1 p 197; viii.8, 2 pp 278-9; vii.9, 2 p 128.25, ‘Ego autem in illorum sententiam facillime cedo qui non credunt sine lectione auctorum posse fieri hominem litteratum.’ But p 129.28; ‘… constet, … sapientiam sine virtute esse non posse, quis ex sola lectione, nisi adsit gratia illustratrix vivificatrixque, credat fieri hominem sapientem?’. See Miczka (n 61) pp 38-45; Kerner (n 8) p 27; Delhaye, [Ph.], ‘Le bien suprême [d’après le Policraticus de Jean de Salisbury], RTAM 20 (1953) pp 203–21 at p 219Google Scholar; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 49-50.

¹²² Policraticus, ii.27, 1 p 154.2, ‘omnium temporum una est fides, deum esse eundemque iustum et bonum et remunteratorem sperantium in se, omne plene meritis respondentem. Ante legem, sub lege, sub gratia, nemini rectum sapienti venit istud in dubium’; iv.7, 1 p 259.3, ‘Sunt autem praecepta quaedam perpetuam habentia necessitatem, apud omnes gentes legitima et quae omnino impune solvi non possunt. Ante legem, sub lege, sub gratia, omnes lex una constringit: Quod tibi non vis fieri, alii ne feceris; et: Quod tibi vis fieri faciendum, hoc facies alii’. For these passages see Miczka (n 61) pp 46-7 and in this volume pp 381-99; Kerner pp 178-9; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism p 23 (naturam sequi).

¹²³ Smalley, Becket (n 94) p 91; see n 114, and Delhaye, ‘Le bien suprême’ (n 121) pp 218-9’; Jean de Salisbury … vise des lecteurs qui tous admettent la vérité de l’Evangile…. II n’y a plus de païens, l’ennemi est vaincu, il n’est plus dangereux. On peut accepter sa philosophic sans lui donner des armes contre l’Evangile. Jean de S. va même jusqu’à lui donner la prééminence. Non seulement il lui laisse la part du lion, mais il raisonne comme si, pour lui, un argument repris aux classiques portait mieux qu’un recours à l’autorite de l’Evangile’. See also ‘Le Dossier’ (n 66) p 79; Misch (n 8) p 1244; Garfagnini Ratio disserendi (n 8) p 922. Policraticus, viii.25, 2 p 423.2, ‘Neque enim istud ambiguum est, cum et infidelium dogmata nichil utilitatis habent, nisi aliquid conferant beatitudini. Sed his omissis aut potius praemissis, dico quia haec sola sunt quae sola possunt facere et servare beatum (Hor. Ep I.vi.2) cum ab altero iustitiae ramo proveniat, ne cui noceatur ab altero ut sibi quisque et aliis prosit;’ iii.9, 1 p 197.25; 198.3, ‘Quis etiam umbras virtutum induit quibus videmus floruisse gentiles, licet eis subtracto Christo verae beatitudinis non apprehenderint fructum?’ (see n 128) ‘…Quis non cum admiratione veneratur? Porro praedicti et consimiles magni quidem et laudabiles viri quasi quaedam saeculorum suorum sidera splenderunt, illustrantes tempora sua, praeambuli coetanorum suorum in id iustitiae et veritatis quod dispositione divina illuxerat eis.’; Metalogicon, iii.1, p 123, ‘…se invicem interpretantur auctores et singule scripture vicissim sunt indices aliarum, unde legentem plurima aut nulla aut paucissima latent’. Such auctores invicem se interpretantes are e.g. Plato andjeremiah in Policraticus, vii.5, 1 p 108; Plato and John the Evangelist p 11; Socrates and Salomo iv.6, 1 p 256; Seneca and Paul, Seneca and Jerome viii.13, 2 pp 318-19.

¹²⁴ Policraticus, Prol, 1 p 17.18,’… ac si sententias tarn modernas quam veteres eadem incorruptibilis Veritas genuisset;’ Metalogicon, iii.4, p 136, ‘Licet itaque moder-norum et veterum sit sensus idem, venerabilior est vetustas;’ iv.32, p 200, ‘Ex hoc autem veritatis rationisque consortio quibusdam philosophantibus visum est semper esse verum quod semel est verum; quibus videtur suffragari ratio, quam Augustinus inducit, ut doceat nostram et precedentium patrum eandum esse fidem; etsi nos parte gaudeamus impletum quod illi prestolabantur implendum. Ait enim (Tract, in Iohann. XLV.x.9; Enarr. Ps i. 17): Non est mutata fides, etsi variata sint tempora. Et nos et illi eandem amplectimur veritatem, sed aliis et aliis sermonibus predicamus! For this passage see Chenu, [M.-D.], La théologie [au XII^e siècle] (Paris 1975) pp 99, 114–5Google Scholar; see below p 257 and n 156.

¹²⁵ Metalogicon, Prol, p 118.23, ‘Rerum enim Veritas permanet incorrupta nee umquam, quod in se verum est, attestatione novi auctoris evanescit’. See Hartmann, W., ‘Modernus und antiquus vom 9.-12. Jahrhundert’, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 9 (Köln 1974) pp 21–57 at pp 32–3Google Scholar; Gössman, [E.], ‘Antiqui und modemi im 12. Jahrhundert’ ibid, pp 40–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; [Antiqui und modemi im Mittelalter] (München-Pader-born-Wein 1974) pp 68-75; Rötzer, H. G., Traditionalität und Modemität in der europäischen Literatur, (Darmstadt 1979) pp 53–8, 119–21Google Scholar; Jauss, H. R., ‘Antiqui/Modemi’, Historisches Worterbuch de Philosophie, 1 ed Ritter, J. (1971) col 412.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ See n 122 (Metalogicon, iv.32, p 200).

¹²⁷ See Buisson, ‘Kirchenrecht’ (n 13) pp 102-6; Potestas pp 27-30; Pétré (n 13) pp 23-5. For John especially Delhaye, ‘Le bien suprême’(n 121) p 219-20, ‘Jeande S. vadonc chercher chez les païens ces applications pratiques qu’il ne trouvait pas chez les auteurs Chrétiens.’; Miczka (n 61) p 36; Curtius, E. R., Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Romanischen Philologie (Bern-München 1960) p 370.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ See (nn 13, 15) Carlson pp 96-101; Lumpe col 1245; Pétré pp 29-30, 67-9, 82-3; Geerlings pp 162-5; Smalley, Friars pp 52-3; von Moos, Consolatio 3 § 1347; Lausberg §§ 419-20. E.g. Policraticus viii.13, 2 p 326.16; v.ll, 1 p 333.24; iii.9, 1 pp 197-8, p 197.20, ‘Sit ergo venerabilis imago virtutis, dum sine fide et dilectione substantia virtutis esse non possit. Et utinam inveniatur in nobis qui vel virtutis imaginem teneat!… Quis etiam umbras virtutum induit, quibus videmus floruisse gentiles, licet eis subtracto Christo verae beatitutdinis non apprehenderint fructum? Quis Temistoclis diligentiam, Frontonis gravitatem, continentiam Socratis, Fabricii fidem, innocentiam Numae, pudicitiam Scipionis, longanimitatem Ulixis, Catonis parcitatem, Titi pietatem imitatur? Quis non cum admiratione veneratur? Probitas siquidem laudatur et alget’ (see n 123); viii.11, 2 p 296.5, ‘… ut si qui Christianae religionis abhorrent rigorem, discant vel ab ethnicis castitatem;, viii.8, 2 pp 274-5 (the exemplary frugality of Epicurus).

¹²⁹ Delhaye, ‘Le dossier’ (n 66) p 79; also p 78, (in John) ‘sagesse païenne et christianisme, philosophic et cléricature sont intimement mêlées. On ne passe pas de l’une à l’autre par un a fortiori comme chez saint Jerôme; l’opposition plus ou moins consciente de l’Historia calamitatum abélardienne est ignorée;’p 79, ‘… ilcroitqu’ici l’enseignement des philosophes est tout à fait semblable à celui de la Révélation …’; ‘Le bien suprême (n 121) p 218.

¹³⁰ See n 112. The method of surprising quotations is also recommended in some Artes praedicandi: see e.g. Robert of Basevorn, Forma praedkandi, 49, ed Th.-M. Charland (Paris-Ottawa 1936) p 316, ‘… et hoc modo magis acceptatur narratio Augustini, dummodo sit nova et inusitata, quam Bibliae; et magis Helinandi vel alicuius altcrius qui raro habetur, quam Augustini vel Ambrosii. Cuius ratio non est alia nisi vana curiositashominum’. See Pétré (n 13) p 122; Marrou, Augustin (n 12)pp 154-5; Smalley, Friars (n 15) p 42.

¹³¹ See above n 114. The question of a partial authenticity of the Institutio Traiani cannot be discussed in this context. For the political purpose see Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 43-6, 129; ‘Das zwölfte Jahrhundert (n8) p 265; Kantorowicz, [E. H.], [‘The King’s Two Bodies] (Princeton 1957) pp 94, 198–9, 207–8.Google Scholar

¹³² See above n 97 and Delhaye, ‘Le Bien suprême’(n 121) p 220, Ici. Jean de S. dépasse très largement les thèses chrètienncs pour adopter une doctrine païenne. Et par paradoxe, il en appelle plus explicitement ici à l’autorité des Ecritures ou des auteurs Chrétiens’. Policraticus, viii.20, 2 pp 372 f; iii. 15, 1 pp 232-3; vii. 17, 2 pp 160-2 and viii. 17-23 passim.

¹³³ Policraticus, viii.8-10; especially viii.9 with the title (2 p 279) ‘Quod etiam in sacra Scriptura sunt optimae eivilitatis regulae…’. See Huizinga (n 10) pp 194, 210-1; Suchomski (n 112) pp 46-53; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism (n 8) p 93.

¹³⁴ Policraticus, viii.9, 2 p 279.22; p 281.25.

¹³⁵ Ibid. p 280.4, ‘Et licet religionis potius quam civilitatis videatur edictum, ego religionis formam a civilitate non divido, cum nichil civilius sit quam cultui virtutis insistere …’; p 280.23, ‘Haec autem, licet misticum habeant intellectum, nichilominus in ipsa superficie civilitatis praeferunt rudimenta. Nam et illud quidem fideliter sonat ad litteram quod Apostolus praecipit’.

¹³⁶ Ibid, viii.9, p 280.16.

¹³⁷ Ibid. p 280.20.

¹³⁸ Ibid. p 280.10.

¹³⁹ Ibid. p 279.19.

¹⁴⁰ Ibid. p 281.23.

¹⁴¹ See Schaarschmidt (n 11) pp 127-8. For phenomena of this kind see Grimm, R. R., ‘Von der explikativen zur poetischen Allegorese’, in Text und Applikation, Poetik und Hermeneutik 9 (Munchen 1981) pp 567–76 at pp 568–70Google Scholar; Herzog, R., ‘Meta-pher-Exegese-Mythos’, Terror und Spiel, Poetik und Hermeneutik 4 (Munchen 1971) pp 157–85 at pp 175–85Google Scholar (Jerome), but see ibid pp 605-6 for M. Fuhrmann’s arguments against Herzog’s idea of a secularisation; Zumthor, [P.], [Essai de poétique médiévale] (Paris 1972) pp 104–6Google Scholar (parody and ‘contrafacture’).

¹⁴² Policraticus iv. 11, 1 p 273.25 after the exempla quoted above pp 234-6 (nn 82-91): ‘In libro Regnorum (ii.14) arguitur Saul quod … paterno motus affectu contra religionis votum pepercit filio; …Heli quoque … quia filiorum pepercit vitiis aversa sella fractis cervicibus corruens expiravit (I Kings ii.29; iii. 13; iv.18). Ut de ceteris taceam, quantum quaeso publicam hominum dilexit et quaesivit salutem qui proprio Filio non pepercit, sed pro nobis tradidit ilium …’ (Rom viii.32).

¹⁴³ Policraticus, viii.5, 2 p 247.6, ‘Multorum quoque fuit opinio, et eorum qui in veteri philosophia prae ceteris floruerunt, Alexandrum [et] Aristotilem a numinibus esse progenitos, eo quod in omnibus propriam quaerebant gloriam. Platonem quoque propter divinam quodammodo qua eminuit sapientiam et Augustum propter potentiam fortunamque tranquillam a diis traxisse orginem tradiderunt. Et quidem in contrarium rectius collegissent eos aut divini non esse generis aut deorum filios esse degeneres, nisi quia dii gentium demonia sunt … Nam et verus Dei Filius, Deus homo, propriam non quaerit gloriam in omnibus quae gloriose fiunt ab eo, sed Patris (cf John viii.50); eoque illustratur gloria ampliori quod ad eum, ex quo sunt omnia, bonorum operum gloriam refert. Sic et vere sapiens omnis, vere potens et bonus, ad unicum omnium bonorum fontem sua omnia laudabilia refert, sum-mam scilicet creatricem et individuam Trinitatem’. (Cf Abaelard, Theologia Christiana iv. 159-60, CC 12 pp 345-6 with patristic parallels). See Bezold, F. von, Das Fortleben der antiken Götter im mittelalterlichen Humanismus (Aalen 1922/1962) pp 37, 48–50, 56, 75, 82Google Scholar for John’s interpretation of the gods (but without this passage).

¹⁴⁴ Delhaye, ‘Le dossier’ (n 66) p 69; see also Antin, P., ‘Touches classiques et chrétiennes juxtaposées chez S.Jérôme’, Recueil sur saint Jérôme (Bruxelles 1968), pp 47–57.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ See Schaarschmidt (n 11) p 132 (a list of John’s laudationes Hieronymi) and Delhaye ‘Le dossier’ (n 66) pp 77-80. Policraticus, ii.27, 1 p 157.5; vii.23, 2 p 208.21.

¹⁴⁶ Policraticus, iv.3, 1 pp 242-3: the anecdotes of Lycurgus and Codrus who both decided to die for the people, i.e. for its peace and for the inviolability of the laws, following Justinus, Hpitoma II. vi.16-21, III.iii.7-9, are commented p 242.32: ‘His quidem exemplis eo libentius utor, quod apostolum Paulum eisdem usum, dum Atheniensibus praedicaret, invenio. Studuit praedicator egregius Iesum Christum et hunc crucifixum sic mentibus eorum ingerere, ut per ignominiam crucis liberationem multorum exemplo gentilium provenisse doceret. Sed et ista persuasit fieri non solere nisi in sanguine iustorum et eorum qui populi gererent magistratum’. For this tradition see James, M. R., Apocrypha Anecdota (Cambridge 1893), pp 56–7Google Scholar; AA SS Oct 9 (4 p 707); Richard of St. Victor, PL 196.1007; Arnobius, Adv. nationes i.40 and the commentary of Gebien (n 13) p 75. Generally for the patristic method of an ascension from mos maiorum to nova exempla of the christian truth see Lumpe (n 13) cols 1242-3, 1247; Geerlings pp 179-81, 190, 211-13; von Moos, Consolatio 3 §488.

¹⁴⁷ Policraticus, iv.3, 1 p 243.13, ‘Dum ergo sic crucis ignominiam praedicaret, ut gentium paulatim evacueretur stultitia, sensim ad Dei verbum Deique sapientiam et ipsum etiam divinae maiestatis solium, verbum fidei et linguam praedicationis evexit et, ne virtus Evangelii sub carnis infirmitate vilesceret a scandalo Iudeorum gentiumque stultitia, opera Crucifixi…exposuit’. For the principle of accomodatio or the locus a qualitate audientium see above p 219 (n 27); Gebien (n 13) p 83; Suchomski (n 112) pp 218-20; von Moos, Consolatio (n 13) 1-2 § 160. See the parallel in the Summa de arte praedicatoria of Alan of Lille, PL 210.1 114, ‘Poterit etiam ex occasione interserere dicta gentilium, sicut et Paulus apostolus aliquando in Epistolis suis philospphorum auctoritates interserit, quia elegantem habebit locum, si callida verbum iunctura reddiderit novum’ (Hor.A.P. 47-8).

¹⁴⁸ See e.g. Steinen, W. von den, ‘Humanismus um 1100’ (AKG 46, 1964)Google Scholar reprinted in his Menschen im Miltelalter (Bern 1967) pp 196-214 at pp 199-200; ‘Naturund Geist im zwülften Jahrhundert’ Die Welt als Geschichte 2 (1954) pp 71-90 at pp 83, 86-90; [Der] Kosmos [des Mittelallers] Bern-München 1959/67) pp 234-5, 264-7, 278-9, 385; Moos, P. von, Hildebert von Lavardin (Stuttgart 1965) pp 280–4, 293–4Google Scholar; Consolatio (n 13) 1-2 §§ 1061-1136; E. Gössman, Antiqui et moderni (n 125) pp 68-9; Smalley, Friars (n 15) pp 52-3, ‘…to show what pagans could achieve by the light of natural reason and virtue witout those aids of revelation and grace which should enable Christians to do better’. Thomson, ‘William of Malmesbury as Historian’ (n 112) pp 403-4, ‘It goes without saying that none of this moral advice has any specific Christian content… It is not that the values implicit in William’s examples are anti-Christian, but that they are not necessarily those which are given high priority within the Christian scheme of things’.

¹⁴⁹ For the remoto Christo formula of Anselm of Canterbury see von den Steinen, Kosmos (n 148) p 265; John says subtracto Christo in a a similar context, Policraticus, iii.9, 1 p 196.26 (quoted above n 128).

¹⁵⁰ Morris, C., ‘Zur Verwaltungsethik: Die Intelligenz des 12. Jahrhunderts im politischen Leben’, Saeculum 24 (1973) pp 241–50 at pp 241–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; The Discovery of the Individual 1050-1200 (London 1972) pp 47, 125; Kerner pp 203-4. For the position of scholars in administration and their ethics of officia following Cicero see Southern, ‘England’ (n 8) pp 205-6; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 45, 72, 79; [‘Englische und europäische Elemente in der] Erfahrungswelt [des Johannes von Salisbury’], Die Welt als Geschichte 11 (1951) pp 38-45 at p 43; Stollberg, G., Die soziale Stellung der intellektuellen Oberschicht im England des 12 Jahrhunderts (Lübeck 1973) pp 18–37.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Policraticus, iv.6, 1 p 252.6, ‘Attende quanta debeat esse diligentia principis in lege Domini custodienda, qui earn semper habere legere praecipitur et revol vere (cf Deut xvii.19), sicut Rex regum, factus ex muliere, factus sub lege (cf Gal iv.4), omnem implevit iustitiam legis, ei non necessitate sed voluntate subiectus, quia in lege voluntas eius, et in lege Domini meditatus est die ac nocte. Quod si ille in hac parte non creditur imitandus qui non regum gloriam sed fidelium amplexus est pauper-tatem et indutus forma servili reclinatorium capiti non quaesivit in terris et inter-rogatus a iudice regnum suum de hoc mundo non esse confessus est (Phil ii.7; Matt viii.20; John xviii.33, 36), proficiant vel exempla regum illustrium quorum memoria in benedictione est (cf Eccli xlvi.14) …’ For the whole context see Kantorowicz (n 131) p 105.

¹⁵² Policraticus, vii. 15, 2 p 155, ‘Si michi non credis, liber de Consolatione Philosophiae revolvatur attentius et planum erit. … Et licet liber ille Verbum non exprimat incarnatum, tamen apud eos qui ratione nituntur non mediocris auctoritate est, cum ad reprimendum quamlibet exulceratae mentis dolorem congrua cuique medica-menta conficiat. Nee Iudeus quidem nee Grecus sub praetextu religionis medicinae declinet usus, cum sapientibus in fide et in perfidia desipientibus sic vividae rationis confectio artificiosa proficiat et nulla religio quod miscet abhominari audeat, nisi qui rationis expers sit. Sine difficultate profundus est in sententiis, in verbis sine levitate conspicuus, orator vehemens, efficax demonstrator; ad id quod sequendum est nunc probabiliter suadens, nunc quasi stimulo necessitatis impellens’. In Metalogicon, ii. 1, p 61.18 John compares Boethius to Vergil, the Christian to the pagan poet; ‘Unde nostrorum doctissimus poetarum, vite beate monstrans originem, ait “Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas/Atque metus omnes et inexorabile fatum/subiecit pedibus strepitumque Acherontis avari” (Georg ii.490-2). Et alius fide et notitia veritatis praestantior: ‘Felix qui potuit boni/Fontem visere lucidum;/Felix qui potuit gravis/Terre solvere vincula” (Cons.phil. III.xii. 12.1—4)!’

¹⁵³ Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 28-33; ‘Chartres’ (n 8) pp 9-12; ‘Erfahrungswelt’ (n 150) p 45; ‘Das zwölfte Jahrh’. (n 8) pp 264-5, with the central idea of a philosophical (not a political) purpose of the Policraticus, the lesson that philosophy can save from the vicissitudes and vanities of political life. For me, the arguments of Kerner pp 130-1, 185-9 against this result are not convincing. For the deep (not only philological) influence of Boethius see also Misch pp 1175-6, 1259; Delhaye, ‘Le Bien suprême’ (n 121) pp 203-4; D. Luscombe, ‘The Ethics of Abelard’, in Peter Abelard (ML, Leuven 1974) pp 66-73 at pp 69-70; Courcelle, [P], [La] consolation [de Philosphie dans la tradition litteraire], (Paris 1967) pp 343–4.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ See above p 209, n 8.

¹⁵⁵ See above p 216, n 18 (especially Hist. Pont., Prol), pp 244-5, (nn 114-15); below n 156. History might be compared to John’s vision of social life as comedia vel tragedia; see Policraticus, iii.9, 1 p 199.5, ‘Hi (septem milia virorum, quos sibi Dominus reservavit, cf III Reg xix.18) sunt forte qui de alto virtutum culmine theatrum mundi despiciunt ludumque fortunae contempnentes nullis illecebris impelluntur ad vanitates et insanias falsas…. Speculantur isti comediam mun-danam cum eo qui desuper astat ut homines actusque eorum et voluntates indesi-nenter prospiciat. Cum enim omnes exerceant histrionem, aliquem necesse est spectatorem. Nee queratur aliquis motus suos ab aliquo non videri, cum in con-spectu Dei agat angelorumque eius paucorumque sapientum, qui et ipsi ludorum istorum circensium spectatores sunt’ (cf Petron. Sar. 80). See Demandt, Metaphem (n 103) pp 347, 379-81, 421-3; Cilento (n 93) p 121-2, 284.

¹⁵⁶ M. D. Chenu, Théoiogie (n 124) p 99 concerning Metalogicon iv.32, pp 200-1 and i. 14, p 34; see also Chenu, ibid p 86, ‘Jean de Salisbury … est plus philosophe qu’historien;’ pp 114-5 for the cosmological problem of ‘creatio ab aeterno’ versus ‘creatio a nihilo’ in Metalogicon, iv.35: ‘C’est à contre fil de cette historicité que Jean de Salisbury donne un chaleureux consentement … au thème platonicien (et augustinien) que seules son vraies les réalités éternelles, VERE sunt…’ This is confirmed e.g. by Metalogicon, iv.35 p 204.15, ‘Omnia ver vana…velut fantasmata evanescunt. Unde ob hanc rerum evanescentium disparentiam omnia que sub sole sunt vana esse in condone universorum qui versantur in mundo, proclamat Ecclesiastes (i. 14); … Plato quoque eorum que vere sunt et eorum que non sunt sed esse videntur, differentiam docens, intelligibilia vere esse asseruit, que nee incur-sionum passionumve molestiam metuunt, non potestatis iniuriam non dispendium temporis, sed semper vigore conditionis sue eadem perseverant’ (cf Apul. De Plat, et eius dogm. I.vi.193; Boeth. Inst. Arithm. ii.1); Metalogicon, iii.4, p 138, ‘… veritatem rerum, quoniam earn homo non statuit nee voluntas humana convellit…’ For the most important difference between real historicity and the idealistic understanding of history, so widespread in the Middle Ages, see generally Chenu, M. D., ‘Conscience de l’histoire et théologie au XII^e siècle, Archives d’Histoire littéraire et doctrinate du Moyen Age 29 (1954) pp 107–33Google Scholar = Théologie pp 62-89; ‘L’homme et la nature, Perspectives sur la Renaissance du XII^.es.,’ Archives … (loc. cit.) 19 (1952) pp 39-66 at pp 63-5; ‘Histoire et allégorie au XII^es.’, Lortz, Festschr. J.: Glaube unci Geschichte (Baden-Baden 1958) pp 659–71 at pp 69–70Google Scholar: ‘Dante tiendra l’allégorie pour l’une des formes les plus naturelles et satisfaisantes de la rhétorique; son génie prouvera que ce n’est pas là une chimère. Mais lire ainsi Virgile, e’est évidemment en évacuer la matière historique, et avec elle l’immédiate substance poétique. Tout comme pour la Bible!’; ‘La décadence de l’allégorisation, Un témoin: Gamier de Rochefort’, Mél. H. de Lubac: ‘L’homme devant Dieu’ (Paris 1964) 2 pp 129-35 at pp 133-4’ … on voit quel idéalisme menace et l’intelligence et la réalité de l’histoire. Rupert de Deutz ne pouvait pretendre sauvegarder la réalité sous ces similitudes, qu’en professant explicitement, dans son idéalisme augustinien, l’irréalité fonciere du temporel en face de l’éternel’ (cf De op. Spirs.s. i.7, PL 167.1577)’; J. Le Goff, Temps de l’église’ (n 106) pp 51-8; Cilento (n 93) pp 121-2, 284; Marrou, H. I., L’ambivalence du temps de l’histoire chez saint Augustin (Conférence Albert-le-Grand 1950: Montreal-Paris 1950) pp 42–9Google Scholar. In Augustinus Magister (Congrès intern. Augustinien 1954: Paris 1955) see the contributions of J. Chaix-Ruy, ‘La Cité de Dieu et la structure du temps chez s. Aug’. (1 pp 923-31); R. Gillet, ‘Temps et exemplarisme chez S. Aug’. (1 pp 934-41); H. I. Marrou, ‘La théologie de l’histoire’ (3 pp 193-211). For the historiographical ‘topos’ of per visibilia ad invisibilia resulting from this conception of time and history see above p 216 and n 18 (Hist. Pont, p 3) and Partner (n 26) p 188; H. Boehm, (n 106): p 665; Lacroix (n 18) pp 169-71; Ehlers, J., Hugo von St. Victor, Studien zum Geschichtsdenken und zur Geschichtsschreibung des 12. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden 1973) pp 82–3, 164Google Scholar; von Moos, ‘Lucans tragedia (n 23) pp 147-9, 154, 173-4.

¹⁵⁷ See Miczka (n 61) pp 41, 45-6; Spörl (n 18) pp 94-5; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism (n 8) pp 93-4; Brezzi, (n 8) p 959.

¹⁵⁸ F. Dornseiff, (n 15) p 206-7, ‘Ebenso wie durch Aussprechen einer allgemeinen Regel wendet sich durch ein Beispiel der Sprecher an den Sinn des Menschen fur Gleichfbrmigkeit in der Welt, deren innezuwerden uns Menschen ein starkes Bediirfnis ist…’; ‘Der Glaube an den Prazedenzfall und seine Beweiskraft sitzt sehr fest im menschlichen Bewusstsein….’ Similar statements are to be found in Lipps (n 15) pp 45-6; Gebien (n 13) p 95; Komhardt (n 13) p 86; Landfester (n 12) p 111-2; Battaglia (n 15) p 468; Demandt, Ceschkhle als Argument n 15) pp 59-62; Schenda (n 15) p 75.

¹⁵⁹ Rhet. 1368 a 29-33; see above pp 208-9.

¹⁶⁰ Policraticus, ii.21, 1 pp 115-21, with the title (p 115.7)’… quod rerum mutabilitas ei (sc. Deo) nequaquam est infligenda; et quod idem est scientia, praescientia, dispositio, providentia, praedestinatio; et quod vera infinita sunt, ut numerus eorum non queat augeri vel minui;’ Policraticus, ii.22, 1 p 123.26, ‘Porro divinae simplicitatis status longe alia conditio est. Ea siquidem uno simplici et individuo aspectu … quae fuerunt et quae futura sunt, omnia contemplatur, nulloque rerum mutabilium lapsu movetur, sed in seipsa semel et simul contuens universa subsistit invariabilis, ‘stabilisque manens dat cuncta moveri’ (Boeth. Cons. Phil. III.ix.3)’. See for this passage: Courcelle, Consolation (n 153) p 181; Spörl (n 15) pp 94-5; Southern Aspects (n 6) p 160. For the importance of the concept of divine simultaneity for medieval views of history see Auerbach (n 99) pp 19-20; Zumthor (n 141) p 34; Chenu, Théologie (n 124) pp 114-5; M. Frickel, ‘Deus totus ubique simul’, Untersuchungen zur allgcmeinen Gottesgegenwart im Rahmen der Gotteslehre Gregors des Groβen (Freiburger Theol. Studien 69: Freiburg 1956).

¹⁶¹ See above p 208 n 6; Le Goff, ‘Temps de l’Eglise’ (n 106) p 51; Battaglia (n 15) p 451.

¹⁶² See above p 210, n 12. For the difference between John’s metaphor oidientes and the humanistic ideal of a friendly dialogue with the classical authors see Harth, above n 114.

¹⁶³ See Kessler, ‘Geschichtsdenken’ (n 12) pp 112-3 for Petrarca Ep.fam. vi.4 (ed Rossi, Firenze 1934) 2 p 78.29, ‘Inter scribendum cupide cum maioribus nostris versor uno quo possum modo; atque hos, cum quibus iniquo sidere datum erat ut viverem, libentissime obliviscor; inque hoc animi vires cunctas exerceo, ut hos fugiam, illos sequar … ita cum mortuis esse potius quam viventibus delectarer.’(I); see also Kessler, Petrarca (n 12) pp 33-4 for the idea of ‘consolation’ by escape from contemporary reality to the auctores; Kerner pp 191-2; Brezzi (n 8) p 958; Freund, W., Modernus undandere Zeitbegriffe im Mittelalter (Graz 1957) pp 68–9Google Scholar for John’s explicit interest for his own time (Meum tempus in Policraticus, vii. 19, 2 p 173.19); Metalogicon, iv. Prol. p 165: ‘Iocundum enim fuerat, ut Senece verbis (cfControv. 1 praef 1) utar, in antiqua redire tempora et ad annos respicere meliores, nisi amaritudo, que partim ex meatu, partim ex alia sollicitudine incumbit, animum pregravaret. Quia tamen visum est tibi meum et Cornificii examinare conflictum, invitus et quodammodo tractus in huius palestre descendo harenam’. For this antiescapist self conquest see Sporl (n 18) p 82. For the more instrumental aspect of John’s interest for the past see Policmticus, Prol, 1 p 15: ‘Sic enim cum ineptias suas lector vel auditor agnoscet, illud ethicum (Hor. Sal. I.i.69-70) reducet ad animum, quia mutato nomine de se fabula narratur … Novi enim quia nulli gravis percussus Achilles (Iuv. Sat. i.163) et praesens aetas corrigitur dum praeterita suis meritis obiurgatur’. The well known paradox of the humanistic approach to antiquity consists in gaining a more empirical and concrete knowlege of the past by losing the fresh conscience of the unbroken continuity of the classical heritage and its direct contemporary applicability: for this paradox see e.g. Misch (n 8) pp 1166, 1185; Mirgeler, A., ‘Erfahrung in der Geschichte und Geschichtswissenschaft’, in Experiment und Erfahrung in Wissenschaft und Kunst, ed Strolz, W. (Freiburg-München 1963) pp 227–65 at pp 249–50Google Scholar; Leclercq, J., L’amour des lettres et le désirde Dieu (Paris 1957/1963)p 115Google Scholar; von den Steinen, Kosmos(n 148) p 117; Battaglia(n 15)p 468 Landfester (n 12) pp 10-14, 59, 134-7; Dörrie, H., Der heroische Brief (Berlin 1968) p 363.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ See Bischoff, B., ‘Living with the Satirists’, Classical Influences on European Culture A.D. 500-1500, ed Bolgar, R. R. (Cambridge 1971) pp 83–94 at pp 92–3Google Scholar; Liebeschütz, Med. Humanism pp 2, 108; U. Kindermann, Satyra: Zur Theorie der Satire im Mittellateinischen (Nürnberg 1978) p 41 (for Policraticus, iii.9); Garin, E., ‘Policraticus’, Kindlers Literaturlexikon (Zürich 1970/72) ix.9 col 7630Google Scholar. For John’s philosophical rather than historical aims see above p 257 n 154; Garfagnini, Ratio disserendi (n 8) p 921; and Metalogicon, Prol. p 4: ‘De moribus vero nonnulla scienter inserui; ratus omnia que leguntur aut scribuntur inutilia esse, nisi quatenus afferunt aliquod adminiculum vite. Est enim quelibet professio philosophandi inutilis et falsa que se ipsam in cultu virtutis et vitae exhibitione non aperit’. See Hendley (n 8) pp 210-12.