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Set in a fictional Shakespeare festival, Slings and Arrows, a short-lived Canadian series produced on a constrained budget, is often cited by US and Canadian critics and fans as one of the best television series of recent decades. The three seasons revolve around a main-stage production of a Shakespearean tragedy (Hamlet, Macbeth and King Lear, respectively), the themes of which infuse hilarious and heartbreaking backstage plots interweaving the festival’s actors, directors, stage crew and business staff. The main arc of the show involves the festival’s struggle to stay culturally relevant and financially solvent, resulting in a paean to the power and importance of live theatre. Even as it knowingly winks at its own status as a television series, Slings and Arrows – which, in the decade since it originally aired, has garnered far more viewers and far greater critical acclaim through rebroadcasts, DVD releases and streaming digital availability – embodies the tension between the ephemeral nature of live theatre and the lasting media of film and television. This chapter conjoins an examination of the tension between television and live theatre with the exploration of culture; ‘culture’ both in terms of ‘high culture’ artistic productions such as Shakespearean theatre, and national culture.
Chapter 4 delivers a comparative perspective. The United States served as a model for many other countries to adopt earnings-based family tax credits, and this chapter seeks to borrow ideas back by examining how New Zealand and Canada administer similar credits. The chapter provides an overview of New Zealand’s Working for Families Tax Credits and Canada’s Working Income Tax Benefit and Canada Child Benefit. It describes the mechanics of each, explores critiques raised by domestic scholars, and draws takeaways for the United States. While acknowledging that there are cultural differences and conceding that no design is perfect, this chapter sets the stage for a reimagination of how the United States delivers its antipoverty benefits to working families.
The story of the fusion of law and equity often centres on the story of New York state, whence the Field Code went forth, or of England. This chapter shows the more varied experiences of fusion in colonial British North America, and the degree of experimentation pursued by colonial governments that differentiated the local arrangements – and means of administering equity – from the arrangements at ‘home’ in England, or those in New York state. Initially, equity was often administered only by the governor or colonial council – or by a court of concurrent legal and equitable jurisdiction. Specialist Courts of Chancery came later, and were criticised as the confederation movement grew. Later, the legal colonialism set in which saw the ways of administering equity in England mimicked in the colonies. Even then, local variation survived as in relation to the treatment of mortgages.
In 2013, a task force was developed to discuss the future of the Canadian pediatric neurology workforce. The consensus was that there was no indication to reduce the number of training positions, but that the issue required continued surveillance. The current study provides a 5-year update on Canadian pediatric neurology workforce data.
Names, practice types, number of weekly outpatient clinics, and dates of certification of all physicians currently practicing pediatric neurology in Canada were obtained. International data were used to compute comparisons between countries. National data sets were used to provide information about the number of residency positions available and the number of Canadian graduates per year. Models for future projections were developed based on published projected population data and trends from the past decade.
The number of pediatric neurologists practicing in Canada has increased 165% since 1994. During this period, wait times have not significantly shortened. There are regional discrepancies in access to child neurologists. The Canadian pediatric neurology workforce available to see outpatient consultations is proportionally less than that of USA. After accounting for retirements and emigrations, the number of child neurologists being added to the workforce each year is 4.9. This will result in an expected 10-year increase in Canadian pediatric neurologists from 151 to 200.
Despite an increase in the number of Canadian child neurologists over the last two decades, we do not predict that there will be problems with underemployment over the next decade.
An important goal of this edited volume is to address the following challenge: What can scholars of language politics and policy contribute to our understanding of things as they are (the "Why?" Question) while also providing concrete suggestions and describing actual policies that have enhanced democratic participation and inclusion (the "What" Answer)? The contributors fully embrace the fundamental reality that virtually all contemporary nation-states have multiple language groups among their citizens, and that acceptance and legitimation of linguistic and cultural diversity is beneficial for societal well-being, and not just beneficial for minority/minoritized language communities. In exploring and explaining language politics and policies in diverse contexts in Canada and the United States, using a variety of data sources and disciplinary perspectives, the authors describe the challenges and set-backs, along with the many positive steps taken in recent years to advance the interests and aspirations of speakers of marginalized/minoritized languages. The authors remain hopeful that positive change is possible while acknowledging that ideologies about language and the role of language in national development and identity remain potent forces that are often difficult to challenge, let alone dislodge, when they become embedded in the daily lives and common sense views of citizens.
Despite surface-level changes to the Heritage Languages Program in Ontario, heritage language instruction continues to exist at the margins of school life in Ontario. Public deliberations over this policy have led to intense, racialized conflict among stakeholders. At their most fundamental level, these conflicts have centred on who has – or should have – the power (or the “right”) to determine linguistic and cultural practices within publicly funded schools. To address this question, the chapter builds on my previous work sketching out a political-economy perspective on language policy analysis. Most salient is this theory’s insight that, while capitalism relies on human labour to create all profit and value, it has no internal system for reproducing that labour in the first place. I situate language socialization within this contradiction. When speakers of minoritized and/or racialized languages make demands for access to their languages in the public sphere (be it at work, at school, etc.) they directly challenge this separation between production and social reproduction. Understanding this contradiction moves us beyond searching for better metaphors for framing language policy, and towards concrete political strategies for undermining language-based oppression.
This article examines developments in the field of policy studies in order to consider their applicability for the study of language policy and planning. In particular, Foucauldian insights into power and discourse offer the possibility of elaborating on descriptive language policy studies and force a reconsideration of the premise upon which policymaking is often based: the starting point of the “problem” for which a policy solution is needed. By analyzing the proceedings of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963-70) in order to trace the development of Canada’s Official Languages Act (1969), this paper advocates for a broader set of theoretical and methodological approaches to our work as scholars in the field of language policy.
This chapter addresses the nitty-gritty of dictionary making in the pre-digital era. Focussing on the quotation slip in lexicography, which is an attested use of a target word in context, the chapter explains the problems of editing a dictionary in an era when unique, physical paper files had to be sent back and forth across a vast country. With Avis working in Ontario and the dictionary centre located in British Columbia, and Lovell working early on from Illinois, the Dictionary of Canadian English depended on reliable postal delivery by Canada Post. Quotation slips on First Nations band names from the archives show the amount of documentation that the Dictionary of Canadianisms, the "Canadian OED", required, not without highlighting the challenges of Avis taking over Lovell's data collection and of co-editors working together despite being located in very different places. Based on extant correspondence between Avis, Douglas Leechman, Charles Crate, and Joan Hall, the editorial assistant, the genesis of the defining dictionary of Canadian English is traced in considerable detail. Etymologies of Canuck and beaver stone, the latter going back to Early Modern times, round off this more technical chapter.
There are many definitions of social isolation which draw on structural indicators (e.g. living alone), functional indicators (e.g. social support) or both. This makes comparing prevalence rates across studies difficult and provides little guidance for practitioners and service providers to identify and target socially isolated clients. The purpose of the present study was to compare, within one large population-based data-set of Canadians aged 45–85, single-item and composite indicators of social isolation, by total sample and by socio-demographics (age, sex) and health. Data were from the Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging (CLSA) which assessed features of social network, social support and social participation. Two composite scales were created to compare prevalence rates based on structural only or both structural and functional indicators. Results indicated overall low prevalence rates of social isolation, regardless of the measure used. A composite scale using only structural features identified 5.8 per cent socially isolated adults aged 45–85. This compared with a structural and functional scale that identified 9.8 per cent socially isolated adults. The composite measures showed less variation across socio-demographics than single-item measures. Results shed light on different ways in which social isolation can be defined and how single-item and composite definitions impact our understanding of identifying socially isolated adults in a given population. Results add to discussion of measures that can be used by researchers, services providers and practitioners.
Sensory trademarks present a compelling case in which to explore the senses as “containers of possibility,” and this article explores the emergence and logic of sensory trademarks from a legal and marketers’ perspective. Using sensory trademark cases from the United States, I suggest that the current socio-legal environment opens a conversation about what I would call sensory capitalism—the monetization of the senses rather than the propertization of the senses—that requires intellectual property law to properly function. I argue that the sensory model espoused by the trademarking of the senses is one of the mass sensorium, whereby the “audience” universally recognizes marks as designating a particular source or origin of goods. The mass sensorium offers something quite novel, however, because embedded in it is the (corporate) promise of a lingua franca that valorizes all of the senses and generates a type of mediated affect that is shared.
With 2018 marking the twentieth anniversary of Canada’s Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, an opportunity presents itself to take stock of both developments and challenges for the legislative scheme. As demonstrated by a review of the parliamentary record, the desire to enact legislation to criminalize the offering of an inducement to a foreign public official to secure a business advantage was decidedly international in nature, with Canada aiming to bolster the efforts of others to create a level playing field for companies operating abroad. Yet, despite good intentions, as well as amendments to strengthen the Act in 2013 and the passage of additional transparency obligations in 2014, Canada’s legislative scheme has not kept pace with the international and multi-jurisdictional realities of the problem to be addressed. Renewed interest needs to be paid to the demand side of a foreign bribery transaction. In addition, the confiscation or forfeiture of any ill-gotten gains must become a priority, with the touting of success in securing the voluntary payment of sizeable fines failing to provide for a sufficient accounting for the wrongs done, particularly if the victims of corruption, even as a class that needs clearer definition, are to be made a true concern of the Act. The challenges posed by matters of immunity and the need to improve matters of multi-jurisdictional cooperation also need further attention.
Canada has taken part in six wars since 1945, all of which have been conducted under US leadership. Despite such military interventionism, there have been no systematic comparative analyses of Canada's decisions to take part in US-led wars. The objective of this article is to develop and test a theoretical framework about why Canada goes to war. More specifically, it seeks to account for variations in Canada's provision of combat forces to multinational interventions led by the United States. It assesses leading theoretical explanations by examining five post–Cold War cases: the wars in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Libya; the war against ISIS; and the refusal to take part in the invasion of Iraq. The article concludes that Canada's willingness to go to war is shaped primarily by a desire to maintain transatlantic alliance unity and enhance Canada's alliance credibility. Threats to national security, the legitimacy of the intervention, government ideology and public opinion are not found to consistently or meaningfully shape Canadian decisions to take part in US-led wars.
Proponents of restrictions on the wearing of religious symbols in public institutions in Quebec have often framed their support in the language of liberalism, with references to “gender equality”, “state neutrality” and “freedom of conscience”. However, efforts to account for support for restrictions on minority religious symbols rarely mention liberalism. In this article, we test the hypothesis that holding liberal values might have different attitudinal consequences in Quebec and the rest of Canada. Our findings demonstrate that holding liberal values is associated with support for restrictions on the wearing of minority religious symbols in Quebec, but it is associated with opposition to such restrictions in the rest of Canada. Moreover, this difference between Quebec and the rest of Canada in the relationship between liberal values and support for restrictions on minority religious symbols can explain Quebecers' greater support for restrictions.
Background: As with other specialties, Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Canada (RCPSC) trainees in Neurosurgery have anecdotally had challenges securing full-time employment. This study presents the employment status, research pursuits, and fellowship choices of neurosurgery trainees in Canadian programs. Methods: RCPSC neurosurgery trainees (n = 143) who began their residency training between 1998 and 2008 were included in this study. Associations between year of residency completion, research pursuits, and fellowship choice with career outcomes were determined by Fisher’s exact test (p < 0.05, statistical significance). Results: In 2015, 60% and 26% of neurosurgery trainees had permanent positions in Canada and the USA, respectively. Underemployment, defined as locum and clinical associate positions, pursuit of multiple unrelated fellowships, unemployment, and career change to non-surgical career, was 12% in 2015. The proportion of neurosurgery trainees who had been underemployed at some point within 5 years since residency completion was 20%. Pursuit of in-folded research (MSc, PhD, or non-degree research greater than 1 year) was significantly associated with obtaining full employment (94% vs. 73%, p = 0.011). However, fellowship training was not significantly associated with obtaining full employment (78% vs. 75%, p = 1.000). Conclusions: Underemployment in neurosurgery has become a significant issue in Canada for various reasons. Pursuit of in-folded research, but not fellowship training, was associated with obtaining full employment.
Little is known about what shapes the choice of employment location in a competitive surgical specialty like otolaryngology – head and neck surgery. This study aimed to identify factors important in determining practice location among Canadian otolaryngologists
An online survey was distributed nationally to active members of the Canadian Society of Otolaryngology – Head and Neck Surgery. The survey collected data on general demographics, current practice description, training location, factors deemed important in practice location decisions, and job satisfaction.
A total of 122 survey responses were collected, with a similar proportion of participants in academic versus community practice. The majority of respondents (73 per cent) practised in the same province as their residency training. Participants identified job vacancy, colleague interaction, spouse opinion and hospital services as important in the decision of practice location.
Key determinants of practice location among Canadian otolaryngologists include job vacancies, spouse opinion, and colleague interactions. Overall, Canadian otolaryngologists report high satisfaction with current employment.
Foreign direct investment (FDI) from China has recently met with increasing public opposition in many host nations. Why does the public respond less favourably to Chinese FDI than to FDI from other countries? We explore this question by conducting a series of survey experiments in Canada, where the majority of the public holds a negative opinion of Chinese investment. We find that the bias can be attributed to innumeracy about the relative size of China's FDI and misinformation about investment rules that govern FDI projects in Canada. Correcting both misperceptions substantially reduces the bias of respondents against FDI projects from China. These results suggest that corrective information can lead to positive change in public attitudes, a finding that has important policy implications for Canadian leaders hoping to expand the country's business ties with China.
To assess and compare the favourability of healthy public policy options to promote healthy eating from the perspective of members of the general public and policy influencers in two Canadian provinces.
The Chronic Disease Prevention Survey, administered in 2016, required participants to rank their level of support for different evidence-based policy options to promote healthy eating at the population level. Pearson’s χ2 significance testing was used to compare support between groups for each policy option and results were interpreted using the Nuffield Council on Bioethics’ intervention ladder framework.
Alberta and Québec, Canada.
Members of the general public (n 2400) and policy influencers (n 302) in Alberta and Québec.
General public and policy influencer survey respondents were more supportive of healthy eating policies if they were less intrusive on individual autonomy. However, in comparing levels of support between groups, we found policy influencers indicated significantly stronger support overall for healthy eating policy options. We also found that policy influencers in Québec tended to show more support for more restrictive policy options than their counterparts from Alberta.
These results suggest that additional knowledge brokering may be required to increase support for more intrusive yet impactful evidence-based policy interventions; and that the overall lower levels of support among members of the public may impede policy influencers from taking action on policies to promote healthy eating.
To assess restaurant children’s menus for content and nutritional quality; and to investigate the relationship between the restaurant consumer food environment for children and neighbourhood-level socio-economic characteristics within and between one Canadian city and one US city.
Cross-sectional observational study.
London, ON, Canada and Rochester, NY, USA.
Restaurant children’s menus were assessed, scored and compared using the Children’s Menu Assessment tool. We quantified neighbourhood accessibility to restaurants by calculating 800 m road-network buffers around the centroid of each city census block and created a new Neighbourhood Restaurant Quality Index for Children (NRQI-C) comprising the sum of restaurant menu scores divided by the total number of restaurants within each area. After weighting by population, we examined associations between NRQI-C and neighbourhood socio-economic characteristics using correlations and multiple regression analyses.
Nutritional quality of children’s menus was greater, on average, in Rochester compared with London. Only one variable remained significant in the regression analyses for both cities: proportion of visible minorities had a positive effect on neighbourhood NRQI-C scores in London, whereas the reverse was true in Rochester.
Results suggest the presence of a socio-economic disparity within Rochester, where children in more disadvantaged areas have poorer access to better nutritional quality restaurant choices. In London, results suggest an inverse relationship across the city where children in more disadvantaged areas have better access to better nutritional quality restaurant choices. Given these disparate results, research on restaurant nutritional quality for children requires additional consideration.