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In this article, I examine early religious literature in the Albanian language in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, which, in combination with ecclesiastical rivalries and a differential opposition to Ottoman rule, must have promoted an inherent cultural process of differentiation, especially between Greek-speaking and Albanian-speaking Orthodox Christians. In particular, I argue that the contradicting motivations of political contradistinction, Enlightenment propagation, Orthodox evangelism, ecclesiastical confrontation, and missionary counteraction lead inadvertently to a boundary work of the social reorganization of linguistic and cultural difference.
How can the growing personalization of power be identified and measured ex ante? Extant measures in the authoritarian literature have traditionally focused on institutional constraints and more recently on individual behaviour – such as purging opposition members from (and packing allies into) government bodies. This article offers a different strategy that examines leaders’ individual rhetoric. It focuses on patterns of pronoun usage for the first person. The author argues that as leaders personalize power, they are less likely to use ‘I’ (a pronoun linked to credit claiming and blame minimizing) and more likely to use ‘we’ (the leader speaks for – or with – the populace). To test this argument, the study focuses on all major, scheduled speeches by all chief executives in the entire Chinese-speaking world – that is, China, Singapore and Taiwan – since independence. It finds a robust pattern between first-person pronouns and political constraints. To ensure the results are not driven by the Chinese sample, the rhetoric of four other political leaders is considered: Albania's Hoxha, North Korea's Kim Il Sung, Hungary's Orbán and Ecuador's Correa. The implications of this project suggest that how leaders talk can provide insights into how they perceive their rule.
The fifteenth century was decisive for establishing Venetian rule along the Eastern coast of the Adriatic. For decades, historiography on the topic has been rather fragmented between national historiographies that barely examined the region as a whole and a few scattered attempts at international Mediterranean studies. This essay seeks to reflect recent discussions on Venetian statehood and current research in Croatian and Albanian historiography.
Recent publications on Venice have started looking at the history of the migration from Dalmatia, Albania and Greece to Venice. The migrants came from the Balkans ravaged by wars and poverty to the metropolis which needed men for its army and rowers for its galleys. The increased influx of migrants began in the decade between 1430 and 1440 due to the Turkish threat. This chapter concerns itself with the manner in which the migrants affected the urban tissue of Venice in the fifteenth century. Which parts of Venice were inhabited by which migrant groups and what can this tell us about the socio-anthropological makeup of the city? After all, the impact the migrants was demographic and socio-economic. More specifically, the foundation of particular confraternities can be linked to particular ethnic groups. This chapter demonstrates the manner in which the cult of certain saints and devotional practices including the translation of relics affirmed Venice as the Mediterranean powerhouse.
In the summer of 1914 it had been more than forty years since the last major European war. That period had witnessed unprecedented economic growth and the flourishing of culture. Lasting peace was conducive to prosperity, technological progress, and social change. Between the Franco-Prussian war of 1871 and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914 trams appeared on the streets of European cities, and the bigger capitals – London, Paris, Berlin, Budapest – acquired underground metro lines. New factories were built and the urban proletariat grew so rapidly that politicians began to vie for its support. Although the European powers pursued overseas campaigns, the latter’s impact on the daily life of Europeans was limited to articles in the morning press. Nor were peace and development the sole preserve of the West. In Central and Eastern Europe, too, war was not within living memory for the vast majority of citizens.
The Adriatic has long occupied a liminal position between different cultures, languages and faiths. This book offers the first synthesis of its history between the seventh and the mid-fifteenth century, a period coinciding with the existence of the Byzantine Empire which, as heir to the Roman Empire, lay claim to the region. The period also saw the rise of Venice and it is important to understand the conditions which would lead to her dominance in the late Middle Ages. An international team of historians and archaeologists examines trade, administration and cultural exchange between the Adriatic and Byzantium but also within the region itself, and makes more widely known much previously scattered and localised research and the results of archaeological excavations in both Italy and Croatia. Their bold interpretations offer many stimulating ideas for rethinking the entire history of the Mediterranean during the period.
Investigations at Bushat in northern Albania during 2017–2019 have brought to light a massive fortification wall dating to the fourth century BC and enclosing approximately 20ha of hilly terrain. The wall is connected to the development of Illyrian settlements and the Hellenisation of the area.
High cost of nutritious foods and eating out of home (OH) might be barriers to healthy and sustainable diets. We examined adherence to Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH), EAT–Lancet reference diet (EAT) and Mediterranean diet score (MDS) and the associations with dietary cost and eating OH. We evaluated cross-sectional data from single multiple-pass 24-h diet recalls from 289 young adults (18–24 years) in Tirana, Albania. Dietary cost (in Albanian Lek (ALL)) was estimated by matching food consumption data with retail prices from local fast-food chains, supermarkets, restaurants and food vendors. Poisson regression was fitted to models that included DASH, EAT and MDS as dependent variables to assess associations between healthy sustainable diet indicators and dietary cost and eating OH. Adjusted models were controlled for BMI, sex and total energy intake (kJ) using the residual method. Our findings indicate relatively poor adherence to healthy and sustainable dietary patterns among young men and women in Albania. Furthermore, better adherence to DASH, EAT or MDS was not associated with dietary cost (per 100 ALL; range incidence rate ratios (IRR): 0·97–1·00; all (un-)adjusted P > 0·05). Nonetheless, eating OH was related to lower adherence to DASH (IRR: 0·79; P = 0·003) and MDS (IRR: 0·69; P < 0·001). In conclusion, adherence to health and sustainable dietary patterns was poor and not differentiated by cost, but rather source of foods (i.e. OH or at home). Further research on the potential public and environmental health effects of these findings is warranted in Albania.
Much light has been shed on the history of the manuscripts of Berat (now kept in Tirana) by Didier Lafleur in his recent catalogue of the NT manuscripts of Albania. However, an aspect of the story was left in the shadow: what is the source of von Soden's information about these manuscripts? The sparse data furnished by von Soden himself and an unpublished report by Harnack show that the German scholar made use of information collected in Albania by one of his collaborators, Alfred Schmidtke. Furthermore, the value of this information for the history of the Berat manuscripts is confirmed by the fact that it is somehow linked to a process of inventory done in September 1901 by a priest of the city.
This article discusses recent trends in archaeological and historic preservation practices in Albania that are leading to new and innovative approaches to what is often termed “mitigation.” To understand this in an Albanian context, it is necessary to review the historical, political, and social context that has shaped the stand of this postcommunist society toward its past as well as the role that this context plays in heritage practices today. I argue that the nationalistic approach toward heritage as a key component of “nation building” in the twentieth century still resonates strongly in the current discourse. This review leads to the conclusion that standard mitigation based on avoidance, recovery/excavation, and documentation phases is the most dominant practice. Experience has shown that this is not always effective in the harmonization of conflicting interests. Public-private benefits, definition of values and significance associated with historic properties, and costs of requested mitigations have all made it clear in the last decade that alternative solutions must be found, even within the rigid boundaries of the existing legal framework. The concept of “creative mitigation” is emerging as a logical need in the practice of historic preservation.
The brain drain of psychiatrists is considered as a mental health care damaging phenomenon in low- and middle-income countries. Albania currently has one of the world's highest emigration rates, relative to its population and a total emigrant population of more than 1.25 millions in 2014. More than 50% of the lecturers and researchers in Albania left the country during 1991–2005. Nevertheless, the data on healthcare workers migration is very limited.
Assessing the migration profile and migratory trends of psychiatry trainees in Albania as part of EFPT Brain Drain study in Europe.
Data collection was accomplished by an anonymous online survey and hard-copy questionnaire in University Hospital Center “Mother Teresa”, to all psychiatric residents in Psychiatric Clinic in Tirana, during May–October 2013.
More than 2/3 respondents are very dissatisfied with their income but the main reasons for leaving the country are personal and family composition. A minority did have a short term or long term experience abroad respectively 8,3% and 16.7% during which 50% of them considered to have the same opportunities as the locals. A total of 66% of residents consider leaving the country after the residency training.
Losing large numbers of skilled psychiatrists contributes to decreasing of quality of mental health services. Since it can be considered “brain waste” in terms of a loss of investment into human resource development, Albania needs to establish policies to promote returnees.
Disclosure of interest
The authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
The Socialist Camp was a Soviet creation. In the wake of the Soviet military advance across the eastern half of Europe in World War II, Stalin’s USSR imposed communist regimes. As the Cold War heated up, the Soviet Union tightened controls in 1947-48, alienating Yugoslavia in process but also attracting the communist parties from China and Albania. The Socialist Camp appeared sturdy but was internally brittle. After Stalin’s death in 1953, his successors tried to regain legitimacy by reforming the USSR. De-Stalinization opened up rifts with China, Romania, and Albania, and created political crises in East Germany, Poland, and Hungary. The rise of a conservative Soviet leadership in the mid 1960s did not smother conflict within the Socialist Camp but ultimately convinced the USSR to shore up a rump-camp through military means. The intervention in Czechoslovakia in 1968 ended the erosion of Soviet influence in Eastern Europe, but undermined the capacity of the Soviet system to reform itself. It further alienated other socialist states like China, Romania, and Yugoslavia while convincing Western European communist parties to reform themselves into democratic organizations.
As with any other post-Communist country, Albania’s legislation on intellectual property rights tries to keep pace with the country’s evolving social and economic needs. The first main IP law was enacted in 1999,1 nine years after the fall of Communism. Since then, the Albanian Parliament has been active in ratifying international agreements on intellectual property rights as well as establishing an effective system for their enforcement in conformity with EU and international standards.2 The desire to be part of an integrated international economic system and the ambition to gain membership in the European Union are undoubtedly important reasons for IP legislation. However, the intention of the Albanian legislator to recognize intellectual property protection for the fruits of human ingenuity is not a modern trend. It precedes the Communist system. Yet little is known about the functioning of the intellectual property regime in Albania. Although this may be due to Communist isolationism and the limited relevance of the Albanian market for the international IP system, this chapter will show that, in fact, intellectual property protection in Albania is significantly interrelated with the current international IP and trade system.
This paper studies the distribution of resources within families with migrant member abroad. We derive a complete collective demand system with individual Engel effects for male and female adults and children, and the respective share of resources. The focus is on migrant-sending families in Albania, where gender and inter-generational inequalities are relevant social issues. The results show that the female share of resources is substantially lower with respect to an equal distribution and do not benefit from father’s migration. Children have a larger share of resources and benefit from their fathers migration, when women maintain control over family decisions and when the proportion of female children is larger (at the detriment of women).
This article examines extended debates after World War II over the repatriation of Italian civilians from Albania, part of the Italian fascist empire from 1939 until 1943. Italy's decolonization, when it is studied at all, usually figures as rapid and non-traumatic, and an inevitable byproduct of Italy's defeat in the war. The tendency to gloss over the complexities of decolonization proves particularly marked in the Albanian case, given the brevity of Italy's formal rule over that country and the overwhelming historiographical focus on the Italian military experience there. In recovering the complex history of Italian and Albanian relations within which negotiations over repatriation occurred, this article demonstrates the prolonged process of imperial repatriation and its consequences for the individuals involved. In some cases, Italian citizens, and their families, only “returned” home to Italy in the 1990s. The repatriation of these “remainders” of empire concerned not only the Italian and Albanian states but also local committees (notably the Circolo Garibaldi) and international organizations, including the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration and the International Committee of the Red Cross. In recuperating this history, the analysis rejects seeming truisms about the forgotten or repressed memory of Italian colonialism. Drawing upon critical theories of “gaps,” the article addresses the methodological challenges in writing such a history.
Reactions to the brutal Syrian War from European governments and Europe's Muslims have been diverse and subject to many shifts over the past few years. This paper focuses on how Albanian political and Islamic religious figures living in the Balkans have come to interpret the war. I focus on discourse, the ways in which these different agents communicate with their audience, and the wider contexts they evoke. Government sources and religiously themed lectures delivered by prominent imams on the social networking site YouTube are used to assess these trends. The most obvious aspect of these debates is the ways in which these agents use the war to press their own agendas, the government to affirm their commitment to the “West” and an ethnicized view of Islam, while Islamic religious leaders use it to reconnect their audiences to a more cosmopolitan vision of their past. War thus becomes a catalyst for a resurgent contestation between different groups vying for control over what it means to be “Albanian” and “Muslim” in the twenty-first century.
This article demonstrates the link between Nektarios Terpos and the decorative programme of Ardenica Monastery, Myzeqe, central Albania. An early eighteenth-century preacher against Islam and conversion to Islam, Terpos emphasized the importance of undergoing suffering, and even death by martyrdom, in the conviction that suffering leads to salvation and glorification, while conversion to Islam to damnation. Terpos was abbot of Ardenica Monastery. The analysis of its decorative programme, which emphasizes salvation and glorification through suffering and passion, in conjunction with the writings of Nektarios Terpos, concludes that he must have been the mastermind behind the inception of the decorative programme of the katholikon.
In countries with emerging and developing economies the need to promote development and the lack of information on the status of the Near Threatened Eurasian otter Lutra lutra have given rise for concern about the conservation status of the species. In Albania information about the distribution of this otter dates from 1985. In 2013 we resurveyed 31 sites previously surveyed in 1985, and a further 42 sites throughout the country. At each site nine habitat variables of potential importance to otters were recorded and analysed. Overall the distribution pattern in 2013 did not differ from that recorded in 1985, although a reduction in marking intensity suggested a possible decline in otter numbers. Distribution of the otter has been influenced by land use and human density, suggesting man-induced habitat changes since the fall of communism may have affected the quality and fragmentation of otter habitats.
This paper analyzes the transformation of the signifier “corruption” in the Albanian public sphere during the period 1991–2005 from a discourse analysis approach. The aim is not to trace corruption in its presence and consequences, but to show how different articulations of corruption supported different agendas. More specifically, this paper aims to show how the corruption discourse that dominated Albanian public discussion during the period 1998–2005 served to legitimize a neoliberal order by articulating corruption as inherent to the public sector and to state intervention in the economy. This meant that corruption could be eliminated through neoliberal policies such as privatization and deregulation. Through a discourse analysis of corruption it is possible to politicize the concept of corruption instead of reducing it to a static and inherent feature of Albanian culture and society.
This paper examines the interplay between internal and external actors in the process of democratization and state-building in Albania and Kosovo. It does so by using David J. Smith's “quadratic nexus” that links Brubaker's “triadic nexus” – nationalizing states, national minorities and external national homelands – to the institutions of an ascendant and expansive “Euro-Atlantic space”. The main argument of this paper is twofold. First, it argues the nexus remains a useful framework in the study of state-and nation-building provided that it moves beyond the “civic vs. ethnic” dichotomy. Today, many states with a mixture of civic and multi-ethnic elements involve this relational nexus. Second, while comparing Albania and Kosovo, this paper argues that all the four elements of the nexus have a different impact on the process of state- and nation-building and their relationship is more conflictual in Kosovo than in Albania.