For the past several years, affirmative action policies and their implementation have constituted a field of debate and academic research, in dialog with social movements and public policies carried out by various Latin American and Caribbean states, to mitigate persistent historical inequalities related to discrimination and racism. This article presents the results of the implementation of affirmative action policies for Afro-descendants in Uruguay in the workplace between 2014 and 2019, the first five years of implementation of Law No.19122 (which establishes a period of fifteen years in total for its validity). These results were obtained through interviews with key informants and through documentary analysis of the annual reports of the National Civil Service Office for the period under consideration.

Although feminist scholarship has discussed intersectionality extensively, few studies have addressed its implementation in public policies. This article fills that gap with an empirical study of the obstacles and enabling factors in implementing intersectionality in the Madrid City Council. We focus on the multiple meanings, actors, and structures involved in translating policy planning into concrete measures. Through a content analysis of policy documents, interviews, focus groups, and participant observation, our qualitative study identifies five key factors that hinder the implementation of intersectionality-informed policies: the absence of a legal framework and precise guidelines; the multiple and contrasting interpretations of intersectionality; the lack of training; the compartmentalized work structure and culture; and the unavailability and misuse of data. These findings contribute to the scholarship on the implementation of intersectionality in public policies and provide empirical-based recommendations to overcome the identified obstacles.

This review paper critically examines a range of analytical frameworks used to analyse the German mini-job scheme in comparative research on work and welfare. The approaches examined include labour market dualisation in comparative political economy research and welfare-to-work policies in comparative social policy research. The paper claims that using stylized facts instead of a thorough understanding of the broader context of national employment and social systems leads to misinterpretations in terms of policy learning. By describing the institutional context and main drivers of the evolution of mini-jobs over time, based on variety of data sources, statistics and empirical studies, the paper addresses the critical role of this specific employment scheme for gender equality, largely ignored in the comparative literature.

Cet article propose de montrer la transformation de l'idée d'interculturalisme au Québec de sa genèse dans les groupes communautaires montréalais des années 1960 jusqu’à son intégration dans la politique des partis au début du XXIe siècle à l'Assemblée nationale du Québec. Cette sociologie historique insiste sur la course à relais entre divers acteurs qui sont entrés en concurrence afin d'en définir le sens et les principes. L'histoire de l'idée d'interculturalisme montre en relief quatre périodes distinctes : la genèse du vocabulaire de « l'interculturel » (1963–1977), sa diffusion hors des groupes communautaires (1978–1988), la transition sémantique vers « l'interculturalisme » (1988–2006) et la polarisation politique à son sujet alors que se lèvent au Québec les controverses identitaires (2007–2018).

We provide an overview to the special issue entitled New Tools for Global Analysis of Economic Dynamics by detailing the main aim of each contribution being part of it.

This article aims to analyze the emergence of the migration-development nexus after decolonization in Francophone sub-Saharan Africa. The first section explores the way in which French governmental bodies and NGOs started to frame public policies linking migration and development in the 1960s and 1970s. The second section highlights how developmentalist ideology was mobilized in the 1980s in order to set up return policies in partnership with African governments who were increasingly inclined to control migrants’ monetary remittances. The last section emphasizes how the migration-development nexus was orchestrated to control migratory flows from the late 1980s onwards.

Which conditions foster accountability for health policy implementation in Spain’s 17 regional governments? We analyze five conditions: private management of health services, political salience of health policies, governments’ left ideological position, strong presence of non-statewide parties, and minority governments. We use fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to identify how necessary and/or sufficient these conditions are (alone or in combination) to foster accountability. We find that there is no single recipe to ‘cook’ accountability. Three conditions appear to be ‘quasi-necessary’ but must be combined with others to foster accountability, thus defining three routes to accountability. The implications of the findings are discussed in light of current debates on the effects of decentralization, left-right ideologies, and privatization, on accountability for public policies.

Implementation of international humanitarian law (IHL) in national legislation is necessary to promote compliance with IHL in the event of an armed conflict. Owing to its consultative and interdepartmental nature, the National Committee for the Study and Implementation of International Humanitarian Law (CONADIH) plays a strategic role in promoting its implementation in Peru. To fulfil that role more effectively, CONADIH was strengthened during a structural internal reform of the Peruvian Ministry of Justice and Human Rights (MINJUS), where its presidency lies. Two of the crucial steps to that end were that the presidency fell under a higher authority within the Ministry and the creation of a governing body with decision-making powers regarding IHL and international human rights law, thus leading to the incorporation of IHL into a broad range of public policies.

Brazil's biodiversity faces significant threats, including wildlife crime. Although wildlife is protected by law and there are enforcement agencies to administer penalties and impose fines, the effectiveness of this system is questionable. Tackling wildlife crime requires legislation aligned with well-structured mechanisms for surveillance and de facto punishment. We used data on notifications of violations and payment of fines associated with wildlife crime in the state of Pernambuco over 12 years as a proxy for efficiency in tackling wildlife crime in Brazil. We tracked 803 processes from 2000–2012, extracting data on the type of violation, the fine imposed, the length of process handling, and processing and payment status. The number of processes rose from 17 in 2004 to 167 in 2012, with 69% of cases occurring during 2008–2012. Only 37.6% of processes were concluded, with completion times of 286–4,558 days. Some processes had been open for 11.5 years. Fines totalling > USD 22 million were issued but only c. 1% of this amount was paid. Small fines are often pardoned or converted to a warning. Although enforcement has improved it is still inefficient, with errors in notification and data entry, a lengthy judicial process, and an inability to recover unpaid fines.

Private arrangements are framed by a set of institutional rules, either public policies or property rights that actors activate in order to defend their positions. This is particularly visible in the field of the environment where human pressure is increasing scarcity and generating rivalries between competing users. How do rules intervene in the resolution of rivalries? I suggest that users activate rules to assert their rights against their rivals and find out a solution to the rivalry. Three hypotheses follow: the owner uses his property rights; the non-owner activates a public policy that acknowledges him as the final beneficiary; and the owner activates a public policy if he cannot exclude the rival from his property. The empirical test, carried out on four cases of local water rivalries in Belgium and Switzerland, validates these hypotheses and shows that public policies are more frequently activated than is initially expected.

This paper is an extension of the new economic geography and growth model of Martin (1999) which proposes an interesting framework to analyze the effects of the european regional policy. We introduce imperfect interregional knowledge spillovers in this framework which are diffused by two infrastructures: transport and telecommunication infrastructures. If an investment in transport infrastructures may be at the origin of a centrifugal effect through non market interactions, we show that only a policy improving telecommunication can reduce regional inequalities and attain higher aggregate growth rate.

Alternative agriculture can be viewed as an alternative belief system to that underlying conventional agriculture. However, alternative agriculture can also be viewed from a technological perspective—that is, as a set of substitute technologies to conventional agriculture from which a farmer can selectively choose. Definitional distinctions between low-input, organic, sustainable, and conventional agriculture become important with this second perspective. Different policy and research implications are generated from these competing perspectives.