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In 1970, a senior civil servant in the British Home Office published The Conquest of Violence, which chronicled what he considered to be a social triumph within the United Kingdom. The book was an expression of the way that many felt in the European liberal democracies a generation after the Second World War. It built on perceptions apparent during the nineteenth century that violence, especially criminal violence and harsh responses by those in authority were alien to what were essentially progressive and humanitarian developments within European culture and society. The aims of this chapter are to probe such beliefs particularly with reference to criminal violence and responses to it. It assesses the ways in which the media have provided vicarious thrills since the early nineteenth century, the construction of a criminal class as a separate social group, and the ways in which eyes were closed to violence by agents of the state who were perceived as disciplining the uncivilized.
The fifth century BCE exhibited what has generally been termed ‘gang violence’: that is, the deployment of (relatively) well-organised gangs of lower-class men by elite figures, such as Publius Clodius Pulcher and Titus Annius Milo, in their pursuit of specific political purposes. This chapter analyses this phenomenon from the larger perspectives of self-help in Rome, the political violence that had begun to affect Roman civic life in the second century BCE (intensified by the civil war of the eighties BCE), and by way of the institutional and social features of Roman life (e.g. clientele and collegia) that facilitated the creation and exploitation of gangs. It concludes with innovations introduced by Augustus which effectively brought an end to gang violence in the city of Rome.
This chapter investigates the governance of a diverse city over time, with a special emphasis on those institutions which interfaced between the imperial representatives and the local elites. In the Ottoman reform period, these consisted primarily of an array of different consultative councils at various levels (municipal and provincial). Notably under Saudi rule, these were slowly integrated into the emerging new Kingdom, accompanied by a gradual change in the urban elites controlling the city. The chapter also investigates the implementation of law and order. Finally, it tackles attempts to regulate immigration from Ottoman times to the early Saudi nationality law, and the different rationales behind attempts to limit or rather circumscribe the presence of foreigners. Policies were driven, in Ottoman times, by fears of imperial intervention and attempts at poverty limitation, while, in the Saudi period, an initially liberal approach to nationality soon gave way to more exclusive considerations.
The questions and concerns addressed in this book cannot be evaluated in isolation from race and class, especially because the state finds many ways of making criminals out of its citizens. Racial disparities dominate all forms of policing in the United States, regardless of sex and income. However, the shocking toll of male incarceration crowds out research and more nuanced understandings of women’s engagement with the penal system. Sadly, researchers and policymakers tend to view incarceration through a male lens. However, they are missing a very grave, rapidly emerging social problem. Marginalized women are funnelled in and out of the American justice system at alarming rates. They are invisible. Their experiences with mass incarceration, police brutality, sexual violence, shackling while pregnant (if in the penal system), birthing behind bars, medical neglect, restrictions on housing access after release, and other pernicious encroachments on their daily lives are rarely rendered visible. Consequently, male accounts about mass incarceration, while troubling and certainly not inaccurate, fail to problematize and offer a detailed reading of prisons and penal systems. More importantly, these depictions fall short of informing the American public about women and children as the casualties of the nation’s overpriced and unsuccessful drug war.
A key link in the numerous arrests and prosecutions of pregnant women throughout the United States is their medical providers, whose roles as undercover informants and modern day “snitches” belie their sacred fiduciary obligations. From their once revered roles as fiduciaries, duty-bound with the tasks of protecting and promoting the interests of their female patients, some medical providers now police their pregnant patients’ conduct and even serve as quasi law enforcers for the state. For my European colleagues, physicians entreating law enforcement against their pregnant patients was simply unimaginable. Once upon a time, it might have been unthinkable in the United States, too. However, that period is long gone. Indeed, even race can no longer spare white women some of the indignities suffered by Black women. In their politicized roles as deputized interpreters of the law, physicians and nurses may misinterpret the law or, even worse, prioritize the exercise of their legal judgment over that of their medical judgment. In this context, physicians and nurses are called upon to wear two hats: those of health care provider and law enforcer.
The linguistic identity assumption training we currently provide to undercover officers is the subject of Chapter 4. Here we focus in particular on how our component of the Pilgrim training has been influenced by our own theories of identity performance as supported by our analyses. We outline the input we provide to trainees at the levels of linguistic structure, meaning and interaction, and describe the pro forma we provide for the analysis of online linguistic personae. We also report here on the findings of a small-scale experiment comparing trainees’ competence at linguistic identity assumption before our training versus afterwards.
This chapter examines how institutional responses to extremist right-wing parties affect their local organizational development. Institutional responses to extremism are usually subsumed in scholarly analyses of how democratic states use “militant democracy” to deal with actors threatening their democratic foundations. The first section of this chapter reviews this work to generate expectations about the effects of militant democracy policies on the organizational development of political parties. Whereas scholarly work on militant democracy tends to focus on outright bans of political parties by judicial authorities, this book adopts a broader definition to include a wider range of institutional responses and to examine how these responses affect central party organizations and then trickle down to party subunits. The second section examines the responses of the Greek state to the Golden Dawn (GD). It naturally focuses on the years before and after the arrest and criminal prosecution of the party leadership in 2013. Going beyond this judicial process, it also examines the varying responses of other institutional actors – police and municipal authorities – to the GD. The third section examines how state intervention affected the local organizational development of the GD.
The Richter Scale measures the magnitude of the seismic activity for an earthquake; however, it does not quantify the humanitarian need at the point of impact. This poses a challenge for humanitarian stakeholders in decision and policy making, especially in risk reduction, response, recovery, and reconstruction. The new disaster metrics tool titled “The YEW Disaster Severity Index” (DSI) was developed and presented at the 2017 World Congress of Disaster and Emergency Medicine, May 2017, Toronto, Canada. It uses a median score of three for vulnerability and exposure indicators, a median score percentage of 100%, and medium YEW DSI scoring of four to five as baseline, indicating the ability to cope within local capacity. Therefore, scoring more than baseline coping capacity indicates that external assistance is needed. This special real-time report was presented at the 2nd National Pre-Hospital Care Conference and Championship, October 2018, Malaysia.
The aim of this analysis is to present the real-time humanitarian impact and response to the 2018 earthquake and tsunami at Donggala and Palu, Sulawesi in Indonesia using the new disaster metrics YEW DSI. Based on the earthquake (measuring 7.7 on the Richter Scale) and tsunami at Donggala, the humanitarian impact calculated on September 29, 2018 scored 7.4 High in the YEW DSI with 11 of the total 17 indicators scoring more than the baseline coping capacity. The same YEW DSI score of 7.4 was scored on the earthquake and tsunami at Palu, with 13 of the total 17 indicators scoring more than baseline ability to cope within local capacity. Impact analysis reports were sent to relevant authorities on September 30, 2018.
Discussion & Conclusion:
A State of Emergency was declared for a national response, which indicated an inability to cope within the local capacity, shown by the YEW DSI. The strong correlation between the earthquake magnitude, intensities, and the humanitarian impact at Donggala and Palu reported could be added into the science of knowledge in prehospital care and disaster medicine research and practice. As a conclusion, the real-time disaster response was found to be almost an exact fit with the YEW DSI indicators, demonstrating the inability to cope within the local capacity.
The United States has the highest incarceration rate in the world. With a substantial number of inmates diagnosed with mental illness, substance use, or both, various diversion strategies have been developed to help decrease and avoid criminalization of individuals with mental illness. This article focuses primarily on the first three Sequential Intercept Model intercept points as related to jail diversion and reviews types of diversion programs, research outcomes for diversion programs, and important components that contribute to successful diversion.
The Crisis Intervention Team (CIT) model is a law enforcement strategy that aims to build alliances between the law enforcement and mental health communities. Despite its success in the United States, CIT has not been used in low- and middle-income countries. This study assesses the immediate and 9-month outcomes of CIT training on trainee knowledge and attitudes.
Twenty-two CIT trainees (14 law enforcement officers and eight mental health clinicians) were evaluated using pre-developed measures assessing knowledge and attitudes related to mental illness. Evaluations were conducted prior to, immediately after, and 9 months post training.
The CIT training produced improvements both immediately and 9 months post training in knowledge and attitudes, suggesting that CIT can benefit law enforcement officers even in extremely low-resource settings with limited specialized mental health service infrastructure.
These findings support further exploration of the benefits of CIT in highly under-resourced settings.
This chapter provides a general picture of the criminal justice system in Hong Kong. It highlights the roles and powers of key criminal justice agencies including the Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF), the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) and the prosecution. It includes discussion of police powers and prosecutorial decision-making. This chapter also goes through the criminal procedure, drawing attention to key decision points such as bail, court venue, the plea and the standard of proof. It concludes by looking at the various sentencing options at the court’s disposal.
De-institutionalization of mental health patients has evolved, over nearly 3 generations now, to a status quo of mental health patients experiencing myriad contacts with first-responders, primarily police, in lieu of care. The current institutions in which these patients rotate through are psychiatric emergency units, emergency rooms, jails, and prisons. Although more police are now specially trained to respond to calls that involve mental health patients, the criminalization of persons with mental illness has been steadily increasing over the past several decades. There have also been deaths. The Crisis Intervention Team (CIT) model fosters mental health acumen among first responders, and facilitates collaboration among first responders, mental health professionals, and mental health patients and their families. Here, we review some modern, large city configurations of CIT, the co-responder model, the mitigating effects of critically situated community-based programs, as well as barriers to the success of joint efforts to better address this pressing problem.
Currently, many cities in Colombia are starting to embrace and promote urban art even though in the recent past the police-or even worse, social-cleansing groups-have persecuted graffiti and street art artists. However, cities like Barranquilla, Valledupar, Medellin, Cali, Bucaramanga, Pereira, and Ibague have welcomed graffiti, designating places, mainly walls, for artists to express themselves via graffiti and street art. Fairs, seminars, and museum exhibitions of urban art are being held in various Colombian cities and these art forms are even boosting local tourism. Amidst this growing collection of street art, one question remains: what protection does street art-particularly lettering-based graffiti-enjoy and what kind of rights do their artists hold over them?
Our modern understanding of institutional identity began with police photography, and the building of Habitual Criminal Registers. These databases participated in building the social ‘archive’, were deployed to prevent recidivism, and developed in the context of evolving interest statistical knowledge systems, as well as biological fatalism in criminology and anthropology. The ‘mechanical objectivity’ of the camera, social, political, and intellectual influences, meant images and the archive were a new way of ‘knowing’ people, especially criminals, deviants, and other undesirables. Shortly after the institutional adoption of photographic registers, other technologies too were needed to make those registers searchable. This provoked the first anthropometrics and biometrics systems, and the first exercises in reducing identity to numerical data.
On the morning of Monday, 25 May 1964, following a ‘very pleasant, well organised and enjoyable’ flight, 38 Australian police stepped from their specially chartered Qantas Boeing 707, City of Brisbane, onto the tarmac at Nicosia International Airport, in the capital of Cyprus. It had been a long flight, ‘the longest [day] of my life’, wrote First Constable John Owens. Their landing had been delayed while the pilot ‘flew the length of the island several times’ waiting for the mist to lift. Finally on the ground at 7am, Owens recalled, ‘the Cyprus air was noticeably hot and moist – a marked contrast to the early morning frosts of Canberra, which we had left 24 hours before’.
By June 1964, Unficyp had done much to contain military action and prevent a recurrence of open fighting. In addition to its traditional military functions, which were meant to deter a resumption of hostilities, it had also performed non-traditional roles: helping to restore public services, including the courts, and assisting trade and commerce by reopening factories and enabling agricultural work to continue. Moreover, it escorted the transportation of food, essential material, and people on the island’s roads, constructed shelters at refugee camps and reduced fortifications across Cyprus. In spite of this good work, however, its presence had not yet stopped communal violence between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, nor had it made any progress towards disarming civilians.
Among the most notorious outlaws in the history of New Orleans is a runaway slave who lost an arm in a skirmish with the police, through which he earned the nickname that means “severed arm.” His career is visible in detail in the historical record but migrated into folklore and, in turn, literary works of various kinds, ultimately to form the basis of Sidney Bechet’s vision of the origins of jazz. Many supposed that he had supernatural powers, and his exploits as an entertainer in Congo Square in the antebellum period are the basis, for Bechet, of the expressive traditions that ultimately took shape as the city’s most significant cultural contribution to the world.