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This article explores the impact conservative criticism has had on companies’ behaviour in Brazil. We investigate whether Natura and Boticário − the two largest Brazilian cosmetics companies − have maintained or reversed LGBTQ-oriented marketing and advertising when confronted with criticism from conservative groups. We draw on interviews with stakeholders, company investors and LGBTQ activists, in addition to complaints filed with the Conselho Nacional de Autorregulamentação Publicitária (National Council for Advertising Self-Regulation, CONAR), and companies’ documents on finance and social responsibility. Overall, even when faced with a negative backlash from conservative opinion, companies have persisted in their commitment to diversity issues and LGBTQ inclusion in marketing. However, firms have also employed evasive strategies, such as targeted communication and less controversial forms of retail design, signalling compromises with conservative stakeholders and customers.
Latin America differs from our other cases in crucial ways. It did not suffer as badly from the Great Recession as did many other regions, although it experienced its own crisis when the boom in commodity prices burst. And historically, cultural issues over race and ethnicity had not been as politicized as in Europe and North America. Nevertheless, we see a similar causal process in this region as in our other cases. As regional economies suffered, antagonism towards politics as usual increased. The nature of discontent, however, differed radically depending on the details of the dominant political order it opposed. In Brazil, discontent came to resemble Trumpism, with a focus on cultural issues that had been addressed by the formerly dominant Workers’ Party, while also addressing rampant corruption. In Chile, discontent centered on the elitism of Chile’s democracy, and the institutions that reinforced it, placed insurmountable barriers in the path of political outsiders and insurgent parties; as a result, discontent in Chile manifested as mass contention. This chapter uses analysis of existing datasets (including LAPOP and national election studies) to show how economic concerns, exacerbated by democratic deficits, drove discontent over cultural discontent, corruption, and elitism.
Roaming around in São Paulo can be quite a stimulating experience: The city’s bustling rhythm, its effervescent cultural life, and its ethnic heterogeneity leave little room for doubt as to why Brazil’s largest city is generally considered South America’s most vibrant and cosmopolitan metropolis. Meanwhile, the city’s “tough concrete poetry”1 also bespeaks a configuration in which human bodies are dwarfed and citizens are constantly reminded of their respective place – a proverbial “city of walls”2 in which the utopia of a universally accessible and politically empowering public space has long since been thwarted by a maze of privatized streets, fortified urban enclaves, and an omnipresent array of surveillance devices. Despite the local elites’ attempts to depict São Paulo as a place which is defined by both its tolerance and its diversity,3 the city’s very material configuration thus indicates an urbanistic model which segments and separates more than it joins and unites. Rather than the clichéd melting pot, São Paulo resembles a kaleidoscope in which social class and ethnic affiliation assign each citizen a precise spatial coordinate in a cityscape defined by a mesh of internal frontiers – some brutally physical, others more subtle and ethereal – and the corresponding characteristic of an almost suffocating impermeability.
This chapter investigates questions of language, context, cross-cultural communication and collective learning through three examples from Fórum Shakespeare. For the past twenty years, the (almost) bi-annual project Fórum Shakespeare has brought young actors from Brazilian peripheries together with theatre makers and audiences to ask questions about multicultural, multilingual and potentially mutually beneficial ways of engaging with Shakespeare. The three case studies discussed in this chapter include: Paul Heritage’s work on Romeo and Juliet with a group of juvenile prisoners in Rio de Janeiro in 1999; Bridget Escolme’s workshops for young people in Rio de Janeiro, Salvador and Brasília in 2011, 2013 and 2014; and Catherine Silverstone’s lecture and workshop for general audiences in São Paulo in 2016. The Fórum – and each case study – insists on the plurality of Shakespeare. The chapter explores how professional and non-professional participants have disturbed the harmful assumptions and challenged the negative expectations that limit young people, while teaching pleasure, resilience and compassion through performance. In Fórum Shakespeare meaning has consistently been constructed through exchange, with participants’ embodied acts of translation introducing new understandings of how working inter-culturally with Shakespeare’s texts can allow different stories to be told.
Shark remains are common in coastal archaeological sites in southern Brazil. Here we present an analysis of microwear visible on shark teeth found at the Rio do Meio site in Florianópolis, Brazil. It demonstrates that hafted shark teeth were used to work soft materials such as leather, as well as semihard materials such as wood and bone, whereas others probably functioned as arrowheads. The results also show a possible preference for tiger shark teeth use for woodworking. The identified technical motions include piercing, cutting, and scraping, as well as scaling and sawing. These findings allow us to question the common interpretation of shark teeth use as ornaments and as having symbolic value. Instead, shark teeth seem to have been used as tools and weapons in daily life.
Why are religious minorities well represented and politically influential in some democracies but not others? Focusing on evangelical Christians in Latin America, this book argues that religious minorities seek and gain electoral representation when they face significant threats to their material interests and worldview, and when their community is not internally divided by cross-cutting cleavages. Differences in Latin American evangelicals' political ambitions emerged as a result of two critical junctures: episodes of secular reform in the early twentieth century and the rise of sexuality politics at the turn of the twenty-first. In Brazil, significant threats at both junctures prompted extensive electoral mobilization; in Chile, minimal threats meant that mobilization lagged. In Peru, where major cleavages divide both evangelicals and broader society, threats prompt less electoral mobilization than otherwise expected. The multi-method argument leverages interviews, content analysis, survey experiments, ecological analysis, and secondary case studies of Colombia, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
Why are religious minorities well represented and politically influential in some democracies but not others? Focusing on evangelical Christians in Latin America, I argue that religious minorities seek and gain electoral representation when (a) they face significant threats to their material interests and worldview and (b) their community is not internally divided by cross-cutting cleavages. Differences in Latin American evangelicals’ political ambitions emerged as a result of two critical junctures: episodes of secular reform in the early twentieth century and the rise of sexuality politics at the turn of the twenty-first century. In Brazil, significant threats at both junctures prompted extensive electoral mobilization; in Chile, minimal threats meant that mobilization lagged. In Peru, where major cleavages divide both evangelicals and broader society, threats prompt less electoral mobilization than otherwise expected. The multi-method argument leverages interviews, content analysis, survey experiments, ecological analysis, and secondary case studies of Colombia, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
Rigorous attention has been paid to moral distress among healthcare professionals, largely in high-income settings. More obscure is the presence and impact of moral distress in contexts of chronic poverty and structural violence. Intercultural ethics research and dialogue can help reveal how the long-term presence of morally distressing conditions might influence the moral experience and agency of healthcare providers. This article discusses mixed-methods research at one nongovernmental social support agency and clinic in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Chronic levels of moral distress and perceptions of moral harm among clinicians in this setting were both violent, following Nancy Scheper-Hughes’ use of that term, and a source of exceptional and innovative care. Rather than glossing over the moral variables of work in such desperate extremes, ethnography in these settings reveals novel skills and strategies for managing moral distress.
Echinostoma paraensei, described in Brazil at the end of the 1960s and used as a biological model for a range of studies, belongs to the ‘revolutum’ complex of Echinostoma comprising species with 37 collar spines. However, molecular data are available only for a few isolates maintained under laboratory conditions, with molecular prospecting based on specimens originating from naturally infected hosts virtually lacking. The present study describes Echinostoma maldonadoi Valadão, Alves & Pinto n. sp., a species cryptically related to E. paraensei found in Brazil. Larval stages (cercariae, metacercariae and rediae) of the new species were found in the physid snail Stenophysa marmorata in the State of Minas Gerais, Brazil, the same geographical area where E. paraensei was originally described. Adult parasites obtained experimentally in Meriones unguiculatus were used for morphological (optical microscopy) and molecular [28S, internal transcribed spacer (ITS), nad1 and cox1] characterization. The morphology of larval and adult parasites (most notable the small-sized dorsal spines in the head collar), associated with low (0–0.1%) molecular divergence for 28S gene or ITS region, and only moderate divergence for the mitochondrial cox1 gene (3.83%), might suggest that the newly collected specimens should be assigned to E. paraensei. However, higher genetic divergence (6.16–6.39%) was found in the mitochondrial nad1, revealing that it is a genetically distinct, cryptic lineage. In the most informative phylogenetic reconstruction, based on nad1, E. maldonadoi n. sp. exhibited a strongly supported sister relationship with E. paraensei, which may indicate a very recent speciation event giving rise to these 2 species.
Links between gender politics and leadership in trade unions and how these impact collective bargaining gender agendas are explored in this study of trade unionism in Brazil and South Africa. What the International Trade Union Confederation and others refer to as ‘unexplained’ gender pay gaps are discussed in relation to the absence of women in the collective bargaining process. This examination draws on research in both countries and concludes that gender leadership gaps and gender pay gaps are related.
Este artigo analisa o malogro da cooperação econômica e técnica entre a Companhia Industrial de Rochas Betuminosas (CIRB) e a União Soviética no setor de gás de xisto. Em 1959, a CIRB assinou um contrato preliminar que previa o fornecimento de equipamento soviético e a montagem de uma usina piloto para a produção de gás e materiais de construção a partir do xisto do Vale do Paraíba, Estado de São Paulo (SP). Argumenta-se que a Petrobras, ao defender de maneira contínua a inclusão da lavra e industrialização do xisto no monopólio estatal, teve influência decisiva para que a CIRB não obtivesse o aval governamental para o financiamento soviético. A empresa paulista entraria com pedido de falência em 1973. Utilizando, em sua maior parte, fontes primárias brasileiras, o artigo conclui que a Petrobras temia o impacto que a quebra do monopólio estatal do xisto pudesse ter em seus interesses, os quais considerava basicamente equivalentes ao interesse nacional.
This chapter demonstrates an approach to studying digital culture within Brazilian cultural studies that both plays to the existing repertoires of scholars in this area and incorporates the agilities and sensitivities required to do justice to digital culture. It presents a case study of the famous Brazilian internet meme “Cala boca Galvão” of 2010, a joke played by Brazilian internet users at the expense of foreigners, which mushroomed from a catchphrase shared on Twitter during the FIFA World Cup, protesting the verbosity of well-known television presenter Galvão Bueno, into a spoof fundraising campaign to save an endangered parrot in the Amazon. Adopting and adapting a framework put forward by Brian T. Edwards, the chapter analyzes the “meaning,” or content, of the meme (a dispersed collection of texts) and its “movement,” or circulation, revealing how both touch on issues of national identity (including the ongoing importance of television) and the relationship between Brazil and the world. The chapter argues that the continued reverberation and sedimentation of “Cala boca Galvão” and the proliferation of memes emerging on a daily basis in Brazil make digital culture – and the intersections between it and other cultural arenas – essential topics for research in Brazilian cultural studies.
Canga, or ironstone, ecosystems are hotspots of old-growth plant diversity and highly specialized cave invertebrates. These ancient metalliferous habitats are amongst the most threatened ecosystems because of the destruction caused by large-scale iron ore mining. International debate on biodiversity offsets is increasing because these mechanisms are seen as tools for potentially balancing economic development with conservation biodiversity. Leading mining companies worldwide, including some of the largest iron ore producers in Brazil, are signatories to offset principles and best practices that aim to achieve no net loss of habitats, species or ecosystem functions. We aimed to analyse whether Brazilian legal requirements for biodiversity offsets result in the achievement of conservation outcomes or in elevated threat of extinction in canga ecosystems. We evaluated technical reports that support decision-making related to environmental licensing for iron ore mining and specific offset proposals linked to the Atlantic Forest Act. We found a relevant net loss in canga ecosystems and observed shortcomings related to the equivalency and transparency of offset principles. These deficiencies are mainly related to lax norms and regulations and the absence of an integrated database for accessing information on environmental licensing processes. We argue that both policy flaws and low engagement by the Brazilian mining industry in implementing offset principles have increased the threat of extinction in canga ecosystems.
O artigo examina a ascensão e a queda da empresa Engesa-Engenheiros Especializados, especialmente entre 1974 e 1990. O artigo é resultado de pesquisa com fontes documentais recentemente desclassificadas pelo Arquivo Nacional. A documentação consultada sugere que, na fase de ascensão, a Engesa foi impulsionada por uma eficiente vinculação entre indústria de defesa, exportação de armamento e política externa brasileira, principalmente durante os governos burocrático-autoritários de Ernesto Geisel e João Figueiredo. Entretanto, fragilidades financeiras e administrativas, junto a uma infrutuosa e dispendiosa tentativa de salto tecnológico, acabaram colocando a empresa em uma situação insustentável, conduzindo finalmente à sua queda e falência no início da década de 1990. A experiência da Engesa constitui um exemplo significativo nas pesquisas sobre inovação tecnológica, estudos estratégicos e relações internacionais.
How do sequences of upward and downward socioeconomic mobility influence political views among those who have “risen” or “fallen” during periods of leftist governance? While existing studies identify a range of factors, long-term mobility trajectories have been largely unexplored. The question has particular salience in contemporary Brazil, where, after a decade of extraordinary poverty reduction on the watch of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT), a subsequent period of economic and political crises intensified anti-PT sentiment. This article uses original data from the 2016 Brazil’s Once-Rising Poor (BORP) Survey, using a 3-city sample of 822 poor and working-class Brazilians to analyze the relationship between retrospective assessments of prior socioeconomic mobility and anti-PT sentiment. The study found that people who reported a “stalled” mobility sequence (upward mobility followed by static or downward mobility) were more likely to harbor anti-left sentiment than other groups, as measured by this study’s anti-PT index.
This chapter aims to analyze one aspect of the proportionality test in the case law of the Brazilian Supreme Court: its use as a tool for deciding cases involving socioeconomic rights. If these rights are one of the core elements of a transformative constitution, using the proportionality test to decide these cases raises the question of its transformative potential. We argue that there are several reasons for concluding that proportionality does not play a transformative role in Brazil. Some of these reasons are related to the general debate on the transformative potential of litigation; others are related to how the Brazilian Supreme Court uses the proportionality test, which could be summarized as follows: First, the Court has often used the proportionality test as a rhetorical device only; second, due to peculiarities of the decision-making process of the Court, proportionality has never been employed by the majority of its judges; third, in the realm of socioeconomic rights, the role of proportionality has been frequently undermined by other types of reasoning.
This article aims to analyze the Brazilian context for climate litigation. In situating climate litigation within the Brazilian context, we explore recent setbacks for climate justice caused by the federal government. We also understand that climate litigation should work to address racial discrimination and as such should contribute to the anti-racist struggle. Though Brazil has not yet had a paradigmatic case of climate litigation, climate litigation is nonetheless slowly gaining strength in Brazil, including through some cases currently pending in front of Brazilian Supreme Court. Most of the Brazilian cases that can be considered relevant to climate change are generic environmental and/or human rights actions that address some climate issues. Key actors currently discussing climate litigation generally believe that it would be best and safer to start with easy and “isolated” lawsuits, given that certain legal hypotheses have not yet been fully tested. Brazil’s judiciary, moreover, does not yet seem particularly concerned with climate issues. Nevertheless, the debate on climate litigation in Brazil has emerged in recent years, led notably by academia and civil society.
This article examines the emergence of a synergy that allowed the early development of what was once considered the best anti-AIDS program in the developing world. Initial responses to AIDS in Brazil during the 1980s and early 1990s were marked by a confrontation between activists concerned with human rights, and a government focusing on biomedical management of the epidemic. After 1992, activists, medical researchers, government officials, international donors like the Ford Foundation, health officers, and multilateral agencies like the World Bank were galvanized to cooperate. This was a complex process of braiding knowledge and practices related to activism, science, public health, governance and philanthropy in which each constituency maintained its independence. The result was a complex, holistic, and nuanced AIDS program. The process helped bridge the gap between knowledge and advocacy, generated public awareness, and was instrumental to reducing AIDS mortality developing local human resources and comprehensive policies.
Governments are put in place to carry out policies. Effective governance means that they have the capacity to implement those policies. As Samuel Huntington observed, “[t]he most important political distinction among countries concerns not their form of government but their degree of government.”1 For our purposes, state capacity is the ability of a government-in-place to develop and implement policies that its leaders believe will improve national well-being. The capacity to govern includes having the required material resources, the personnel for whatever is necessary to deliver the policies to their beneficiaries, and a bureaucratic organization that enables high-level officials to implement policies.
How does state capacity feature in constitutional adjudication? And how can courts contribute to effective governance? Of course, they can interpret constitutions and statutes to authorize government officials to use whatever capacity they have to implement their chosen policies.
This study examines the relationship between personal experience with intimate partner violence (IPV) and political attitudes. I argue that by adopting salient legislation on violence against women, the state enables survivors to evaluate government performance on the basis of their ability to access resources for victims. As such, when survivors are unable to reach specialized public services, they might downgrade their evaluations of government performance. Focusing on Brazil and using survey data and qualitative interviews, this study finds that IPV survivors who have not used specialized services hold more negative views of government performance compared to nonvictims. Further analysis, including a series of placebo tests, lends additional support to the main results. This study has an intersectional component, as it also examines the relationship between race and access to services. These findings have implications for victims’ democratic rights and access to justice.