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Despite the growing interest in social businesses, knowledge about and theorization of how these businesses change social and institutional conditions in emerging economies is scarce. This research investigates how an innovative social business model acts on institutional voids and creates social value for deprived communities. Building on insights from the literature and a longitudinal case study of a local, grassroots social business venture operating in Brazilian slums and shantytowns (favelas), we uncover and theorize eight mechanisms by which an innovative social business model brings about institutional change and creates social value. These mechanisms are: orchestrating local business networks, developing local business networks, upgrading and building cognitive capacity, legitimizing, assigning multiple roles, empowering, building a positive territorial identity (territorial de-stigmatization), and boundary spanning. Our findings have important implications for social entrepreneurs and organizations supporting social business ventures in transforming economies.
The aim of the current study is to assess the validity and reproducibility of a food frequency questionnaire (FFQ) focused on pregnant women living in Northeastern Brazil.
Three 24-hour-dietary recalls (24hRs) and two food frequency questionnaires (FFQs) were applied at 15-day intervals between research stages in order to confirm the validity and reproducibility of the FFQ. Validity assessment was based on Pearson’s (PCC) or Spearman’s (SCC) correlation coefficient between FFQs and the mean of three 24hRs (the 24hR was used as reference standard), whereas reproducibility assessment was based on the intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) among FFQs, p <0.05 was set as significance level.
Public health network of a capital city in Northeastern Brazil.
Overall, 100 pregnant women were included in the study.
The PCCs or SCCs adopted in the validity analysis recorded the recommended values (from 0.4 and 0.7) for energy (0.44; p<0.001), carbohydrate (0.40; p<0.001), vitamins B2 (0.40; p<0.001), B5 (0.40; p<0.001), E (0.47; p<0.001), B12 (0.48; p<0.001), phosphorus (0.92; p<0.001), magnesium (0.81; p<0.001), selenium (0.70; p<0.001), cholesterol (0.64; p<0.001), saturated (0.76; p<0.001), polyunsaturated (0.73; p<0.001) and monounsaturated fats (0.87; p<0.001) and fibers (0.77; p<0.001). Magnesium (0.72; p<0.001), iron (0.65; p<0.001), lipid (0.56; p<0.001) and energy (0.55; p<0.001) presented ICC within the recommended reproducibility values.
The FFQ developed in the current study is a useful tool to assess the usual food intake of pregnant women.
This chapter sets out a roadmap to understand the new politics of participation in Latin America by exploring the intersection between two important transformations in society and the state. First, we highlight new actors in state and society who are pressing for policy reform. Whereas the existing literature focuses on interests organized around social class and indigenous identity, we reveal a rainbow of societal actors that span class lines, as well as the emergence of activist bureaucrats, who work together to demand greater social inclusion and policy change. Second, while prior studies emphasize representative institutions as the main site to advance policy change, we analyze the importance of new institutions for participation in the executive and the judicial branches of government. These sites have been central for activism in a range of underexplored policy areas, including the environment; the rights of women, people with disabilities, and sexual minorities; and crime. Together, we argue, these new actors and institutions are redefining the politics of participation today in Latin America.
Early in the twenty-first century, Latin America became a center for experiments with participatory institutions. While many observers applauded the growing possibilities for building more inclusionary polities, there are limits to the degree of popular sector empowerment delivered by the new institutions, whether instigated by revived left parties, charismatic populists, or technocratic elites. To account for the varying trajectories and limitations of participatory institutions, this chapter looks for inclusion in the most likely cases, starting with the diffusion of a single institution, participatory budgeting, and continuing with an examination of the countries that advanced most in bringing several types of participatory institutions from parchment to practice at multiple levels of government – Brazil, Peru, Venezuela, and Uruguay. Even in these most likely cases, such institutions tended to offer access through low quality channels of participation that entailed consultation rather than effective decision-making, focused on issues or resources of lesser magnitude, restricted involvement to a limited public, or even reinforced clientelism in some cases.
The transformation of evangelical Christians from a discriminated-against minority to full citizens with rights and political influence constitutes an important component of the inclusionary turn in Latin America. In some countries, this process of inclusion has translated into a formidable presence in elected office, with evangelicals leading a socially conservative backlash against progressive policy agendas. In other countries, evangelicals have little presence within the halls of power. This chapter seeks to explain differences in evangelicals’ involvement and success with electoral politics in Brazil and Chile, South America’s two most heavily evangelical countries. Rejecting arguments that focus on external barriers, such as social discrimination or constraints posed by political institutions, I instead emphasize the historical process by which a religious identity is or is not politicized, via struggles for legal equality with the Catholic Church and more recent battles over abortion and same-sex marriage. In Brazil, ongoing threats to evangelicals’ core interests and identities, combined with opportunities to defend against these threats via legislative politics, have produced a much more politicized and electorally successful evangelical community than in Chile.
Although authorities have taken measures since the mid-2000s to contain tax burden growth, Brazil remains far more heavily taxed than Chile or Mexico. This chapter explains why. Contemporary analyses emphasize the 1998 constitution, which created major new social spending commitments. While raising a legitimate point, this argument suffers from important limitations, including the fact that Brazil was already Latin America’s most heavily taxed country even before 1988. This chapter argues that Brazil’s heavy taxation must be understood in terms of how historical events have shaped the influence of statist and anti-statist actors. In Chile and Mexico, threats to property turned economic elites against the state. In Brazil, in contrast, elites have faced no comparable threat. As a result, they have not come to view state expansion as particularly alarming and have not organized intensively to thwart it. Authorities have thus felt relatively free to increase taxes. In addition, Brazil’s state-led development path has provided more fertile ground for labor to expand and wield influence. The origins and evolution of the 1988 constitution must be understood within this broader context.
This article describes the Brazilian civil–military dictatorship's anti-inflation advertising campaigns in 1973 and 1977. It shows how Finance Ministers Antônio Delfim Netto and Mário Henrique Simonsen used advertising as a substitute for economic policy. It argues that they turned to advertising to divert attention from their own policy failures by blaming urban women, small shopkeepers and consumers for the growing inflation problem. This article details the background of the campaigns and examines the advertisements, especially their use of normative gender ideologies. By reference to newspapers and political speeches, it also documents the social and political reaction to the campaigns.
Aquaponics technology has recently been offered as a good option for sustainable food systems among small-scale farmers, particularly those seeking an organic production or dealing with land quality constraints, such as urban farmers. However, there is a lack of empirical evidence for the capacity of small farmers to adopt the technology. The unique requirements of aquaponics may create technical, economic and even cultural constraints and opportunities. This paper uses empirical evidence gathered with small-scale farmers in São Carlos, State of São Paulo, Brazil, to present the capacity of adoption for the technology, including possible limiting factors and incentives for farmers. The study conducted interviews with owners of ‘agriculturas familiares’ (Portuguese for small family owned farms) within 30 km of São Carlos. The interviews revealed that there is widespread interest in the potential profitability of aquaponics systems, significant interest in environmentally friendly practices, familiarity with organic production and hydroponics and a large base of agricultural knowledge in the community that can drive adoption. However, lack of initial financing, limited human power and concerns about product placement were significant barriers to adoption. For settlement farmers (those working on land formerly abandoned) poor soil quality and water scarcity are key issues that could be alleviated by the technology. The city of Sao Carlos present program for purchasing specific types of products from these farms could be used as a model for increasing aquaponics adoption and relieving success concerns.
This article examines a much cited but little understood aspect of the Latin American intellectual and cultural ferment of the 1910s and 1920s: the frequency with which intellectuals from the southeastern Brazilian state of São Paulo referred to developments in post Sáenz Peña Argentina, and to a lesser extent in Uruguay and Chile. In books, pamphlets, speeches, and the pages of a vibrant periodical press—all key sources for this article—São Paulo intellectuals extolled developments in the Southern Cone, holding them out for imitation, especially in their home state. News of such developments reached São Paulo through varied sources, including the writings of foreign travelers, which reached intellectuals and their publics through different means. Turning from circuits and sources to motives and meanings, the Argentine allusion conveyed aspects of how these intellectuals were thinking about their own society. The sense that São Paulo, in particular, might be “ready” for reform tending toward democratization, as had taken place in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, was accompanied by a belief in the difference of their southeastern state from other Brazilian states and its affinities with climactically temperate and racially “white” Spanish America. While these imagined affinities were soon forgotten, that sense of difference—among other legacies of this crucial period—would remain.
Fe-deficiency anaemia is considered an important public health problem both in wealthier countries and in those of medium and low income, especially in children under 5 years of age. The shortage of studies with national representativity in medium-income countries, such as Brazil, prevents the knowledge of the current situation and its associated factors. We conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis to estimate the pooled prevalence of Fe-deficiency anaemia in Brazilian children under 5 years of age and determined the factors involved in the variability of the estimates of prevalence. We collected fifty-seven studies from the databases MEDLINE, LILACS and Web of Science, along with the reference lists of included articles. We contacted authors for unpublished data. We did not restrict publication timespan and language. This systematic review and meta-analysis was reported according to the guidelines by PRISMA. The pooled prevalence of anaemia in Brazil was 40·2 (95 % CI 36·0, 44·8) %. The age range of the child and the period of data collection were associated with the anaemia prevalence. The pooled prevalence of anaemia was higher in children under 24 months of age (53·5 v. 30·7 %; P < 0·001) and in studies with data collected before 2004 (51·8 v. 32·6 %; P = 0·001). The efforts made by the Brazilian government were successful in the reduction of anaemia in children under 5 years of age in Brazil in the evaluated period. However, prevalence remains beyond acceptable levels for this population group.
Most of the literature on climate policy is occupied by research on global and regional levels of governance, focusing on norms, rules and decision processes regarding the international climate regime. Despite these necessary contributions, taking account of the regional and local dimension of the theme is also relevant, since most human activities that contribute to global climate changes take place at these levels and, at the same time, these level is the most affected by the impacts of these changes. In this sense, this article analyzes political responses to the climate issue in Brazil in multi-level governance. Within social and political dimensions of the climate issue, this article highlights governments as relevant stakeholders in proposing appropriate forms of climate change governance understanding that they are not the only ones facing this challenge Following the growing international movement of local responses to climate change in Brazil, this type of action was more expressive first at the city level. Then, it reached the state level and finally, the federal level.
This article leverages a phenomenon of racial reclassification in Brazil to shed new light on the processes of identity politicization. Conventional wisdom tells us that race mixture, fluid racial boundaries, and stigmatized blackness lead Brazilians to change their racial identifications—to reclassify—toward whiteness. But in recent years, Brazilians have demonstrated a newfound tendency to reclassify toward blackness. The author argues that this sudden reversal is the unintended consequence of state-led educational expansion for the lower classes. Educational expansion has increased the exposure of newly mobile citizens to information, social networks, and the labor market, leading many to develop racialized political identities and choose blackness. The author develops and tests this argument by drawing on in-depth interview data, systematic analyses of national survey and longitudinal census data, and original survey experiments. This article contributes a novel account of identity politicization and emphasizes the interaction between social structures and citizenship institutions in these processes.
The goal of this study is to perform a comparative analysis of agroecological and conventional small coffee farms. We investigated 15 coffee farms in the East region of Minas Gerais, a Brazilian rural region, based on coffee production using a multicriteria analysis with economic, social and environmental factors. The results suggest that agroecological farms perform better than conventional farms in terms of sustainability, reduce labor intensity and improve income stability and the environmental impact, such as agro-biodiversity and forest cover. In particular, the results reveal that agroecological farms, though they have lower levels of coffee productivity than conventional farms, perform better in terms of income stabilization. This result depends on product diversification (such as agri-food products, vegetables or fruits) for local markets, which reduces farmer risks associated with coffee price volatility, improving both the local economy and local food security. Moreover, agroecological farms rely more on labor than capital. Overall, the results of this study reveal that agroecological systems support the socio-economic sustainability of the rural areas under study and suggest the potential of agroecology to boost sustainable development in the East Region of Minas Gerais. In short, the spread of agroecological systems could improve local employment conditions, reducing migration toward large cities and shanty towns in other parts of Brazil. Hence, agroecology systems can represent the main alternative to conventional production systems to improve the well-being and wealth of rural populations in developing countries. The analysis presented in this study is based on a specific case study, but the rural area under study has many similarities with other areas in Latin America regarding all aspects of economic, social and environmental sustainability. Finally, some agricultural policy implications are discussed.
Cactaceae is one of the most threatened plant families, in part as a result of the illegal extraction of plants for ornamental use. However, reports of the seizure and reintroduction of cacti are scarce and do not include species of Melocactus, the genus of Cactaceae in Brazil that has the highest number of threatened species. The coroa-de-frade Melocactus violaceus is endemic to Brazil and categorized as Vulnerable on the IUCN Red List. We report the seizure of 37 individuals of coroa-de-frade extracted illegally from their natural habitat, the results of their reintroduction to Paulo César Vinha State Park, in Espírito Santo state, Brazil, and provide information for environmental monitoring agencies regarding how to proceed in seizure cases, with the goal of minimizing the impacts of this illegal practice on the species. After seizure, 25 individuals were cultivated in a greenhouse and 12 were reintroduced in restinga, the natural area of occurrence of the species. After 6 months, survival was 76% for those individuals cultivated in the greenhouse and 84% for those planted in restinga, showing that rapid reintroduction of species with ornamental appeal, preferentially in their natural habitat, can reduce the impacts of illegal extraction. This reintroduction protocol can be used by managers of conservation units, contributing to the maintenance of threatened cactus species in their natural habitat.
Online food delivery (OFD) platforms guarantee access to food during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic when commercial food establishments are closed and access to food retail is controlled. The present study aimed to describe the advertisements published in an OFD platform in Brazilian capitals, during the 13th and 14th weeks of the pandemic. Data collection occurred on 1 d of the week and 1 d of the weekend and during lunch and dinner time. A random sample of 25 % of the advertisements (n 1754) published in this period was classified in accordance with the presence of food groups and to the use of marketing strategies. Sandwiches, ultra-processed beverages, traditional meals or pasta were the most common food groups shown in the advertisements. Free delivery prevailed in advertisements of ice cream, candies or salty packages snacks and pizza (P < 0·01). Combos were more frequently shown in the advertising of natural juices or smoothies, ultra-processed beverages, sandwiches and pizzas (P < 0·01). Messages about healthiness were more seen among natural juices or smoothies, vegetables and traditional meals and pasta advertisements (P < 0·01) and less seen in sandwiches (P = 0·02) and pizza advertisements (P < 0·01). Economy messages were rare in advertisements of traditional meals or pasta (P < 0·01) and more common in ultra-processed beverages (P = 0·03) and ice cream, candies or salty packages snacks (P < 0·01) advertisements. The OFD platform promoted unhealthy eating during the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil due to the expressive presence of unhealthy foods advertising.
To investigate factors associated with anaemia in preschool children.
A home survey was conducted in 2018. Anaemia in children (capillary blood Hb level < 110 g/l) was the outcome, and socio-economic, demographic and health factors of the mother and child were the independent variables. The measure of association was the prevalence ratio, and its 95 % CI was calculated using Poisson’s regression with robust variance and hierarchical selection of independent variables.
Afro-descendants communities living in the state of Alagoas, northeast Brazil.
Children aged 6–59 months and their mothers (n 428 pairs).
The prevalence of child anaemia was 38·1 % (95 % CI 33·5, 42·7). The associated factors with child anaemia were male sex, age < 24 months, larger number of residents at home (> 4), relatively taller mothers (highest tertile) and higher z-score of BMI for age, after further adjustment for wealth index, vitamin A supplementation in the past 6 months and clinical visit in the last 30 d.
The high prevalence of anaemia observed reveals a relevant public health problem amongst children under five from the quilombola communities of Alagoas. Considering the damage caused to health and multiplicity of risk factors associated with anaemia, the adoption of intersectoral strategies that act on modifiable risk factors and increase vigilance concerning those that are not modifiable becomes urgent.
This chapter follows the globalization and radicalization of the policies on enemy aliens that occurred in the last two years of the war. In 1917, the conflict became truly global with the entrance of the Americas (the United States, Brazil and Cuba) and Asia (the independent states of China and Siam, and the Philippines as a US dependency). At the same time, Russia and Romania exited the conflict, signing disadvantageous peace agreements with Germany. All the states that joined the war in 1917 drew up policies against enemy aliens, notwithstanding the enormous differences in the numbers of such people within their territories. The chapter analyzes the policies against enemy aliens in the United States, in Brazil, in China and Siam, and compares them with the evolution of the war in Europe where radicalization transformed all foreigners into enemies and also affected neutral countries. The chapter concentrates in particular on a series of new developments that concerned property rights. On the eve of the end of the conflict, property rights were no longer safe in any of the belligerent countries and were actually in pieces in many places.
In the past 50 years, South America has emerged as the dominant world producer of soybeans, a crop of no significance in the region before the middle of the 20th century. As of the crop year 2019/2020, Brazil and Argentina produced 176 million tons which is over half of all world production and these two countries alone will also account for 57 per cent of all Soybeans exported in international trade. How this new agricultural product evolved in these two principal regional producers is the aim of this study. Here we attempt to examine the historical evolution of soybean production in Brazil and Argentina and try to show the unique patterns of production in each of the two crucial states.
Chapter 6 elucidates why structural reform has remained off the table in São Paulo since Brazil’s transition to democracy. It focuses on three specific events since the 1980s, instances when reform seemed imminent but ultimately fell short. Two instances were selected due to being repeatedly identified in interviews as especially salient cases of egregious police violence that led to calls for reform; the third instance, meanwhile, was an ultimately failed effort by a sitting governor to enact police reform. Chapter 6 presents a comparative sequential analysis of these sets of events to demonstrate how the state’s Military Police exerted pressure to limit policy options and how fragmented preferences and the absence of political competition led political leaders to conclude that structural police reforms would not be electorally advantageous. Considering the cases as sequences of events that fail to bring about comprehensive structural reforms helps to elucidate the police’s remarkable continuity in São Paulo State. This comparative sequential analysis demonstrates how long-term institutional persistence has been driven by the absence of an electoral counterweight to the structural power of the police due to enduring fragmentation of societal preferences and weak political competition in the state.
Chapter 3 probes why São Paulo State’s police have yet to undergo comprehensive structural reform in the decades since Brazil’s democratic transition. Brazil’s transition entailed considerable military reforms in accordance with democratic principles but no comparable effort to reform the country’s police forces. I illustrate how the state’s Military Police leveraged its control over coercion to cultivate structural power vis-à-vis civilian political leaders, through both the selective provision of security in politically beneficial ways and the strategic withdrawal of service. The chapter describes how the Military Police succeeded in constraining policy options available to politicians, and how politicians benefited from accommodating the police. These conditions raised the threshold for police reform in São Paulo over the last three decades, favoring institutional persistence despite the prevalence of widespread extrajudicial killings. I show how the fragmentation of societal preferences over policing and security - rooted in differences in citizens’ experiences with police along lines of race, class, and geography - has yielded little electoral incentive for politicians to enact reform. Instead, a large segment of São Paulo’s citizens demanding weakened legal restrictions on the police’s use of coercion with little external accountability have provided a constituency for politicians favoring authoritarian coercion.