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The short-lived polygamous moth Grapholita molesta (Busck) is an important fruit pest worldwide. Trapping males by synthetic female sex pheromones is not an effective reproductive control strategy. It is important to improve this technology by understanding the mating system of G. molesta. This study investigated mating opportunities and fertile egg production by altering the operational sex ratio, mating age, and male mating history in repeated single mating and multiple mating in the two sexes. Our results showed that the mating and reproductive parameters of virgin males were affected by the number and age of virgin females. Males preferred a female number ≤three-fifths of the male number or ≤2-day-old females, while they discriminated against a female number ≥three times of the male number or ≥5-day-old females. On the other hand, the mating and reproductive parameters of virgin females were affected by repeated single mating and especially multiple mating under different male mating histories. Females preferred once-mated males and discriminated against virgin males. These results indicated that mating systems including more and older virgin females for virgin males and different virgin males for virgin females may be suitable for suppressing G. molesta populations. Hence, these results revealed that preventing mating of virgin adults by synthetic female sex pheromones should be most effective in controlling G. molesta.
To establish optimal gestational weight gain (GWG) in Chinese pregnant women by Chinese-specific BMI categories and compare the new recommendations with the Institute of Medicine (IOM) 2009 guidelines.
Multicentre, prospective cohort study. Unconditional logistic regression analysis was used to evaluate the OR, 95 % CI and the predicted probabilities of adverse pregnancy outcomes. The optimal GWG range was defined as the range that did not exceed a 1 % increase from the lowest predicted probability in each pre-pregnancy BMI group.
From nine cities in mainland China.
A total of 3731 women with singleton pregnancy were recruited from April 2013 to December 2014.
The optimal GWG (ranges) by Chinese-specific BMI was 15·0 (12·8–17·1), 14·2 (12·1–16·4) and 12·6 (10·4–14·9) kg for underweight, normal weight and overweight pregnant women, respectively. Inappropriate GWG was associated with several adverse pregnancy outcomes. Compared with women gaining weight within our proposed recommendations, women with excessive GWG had higher risk for macrosomia, large for gestational age and caesarean section, whereas those with inadequate GWG had higher risk for low birth weight, small for gestational age and preterm delivery. The comparison between our proposed recommendations and IOM 2009 guidelines showed that our recommendations were comparable with the IOM 2009 guidelines and could well predict the risk of several adverse pregnancy outcomes.
Inappropriate GWG was associated with higher risk of several adverse pregnancy outcomes. Optimal GWG recommendations proposed in the present study could be applied to Chinese pregnant women.
Toxoplasma gondii can infect almost all warm-blooded vertebrates with pathogensis being largely influenced by the host immune status. As important epidemiological hosts, rodents are globally distributed and are also commonly found infected with haemoflagellates, such as those in the genus Trypanosoma. We here address whether and how co-infection with trypanosomes can influence T. gondii infection in laboratory models. Rats of five strains, co-infected with T. lewisi and mice of four strains, co-infected with T. musculi, were found to be more or less susceptible to T. gondii infection, respectively, with corresponding increased or decreased brain cyst burdens. Downregulation of iNOS expression and decreased NO production or reverse were observed in the peritoneal macrophages of rats or mice, infected with trypanosomes, respectively. Trypanosoma lewisi and T. musculi can modulate host immune responses, either by enhancement or suppression and influence the outcome of Toxoplasma infection.
Barnyardgrass [Echinochloa crus-galli (L.) P. Beauv.] is a problematic weed in rice (Oryza sativa L.) fields. Overapplication of herbicides causes environmental pollution and the emergence of resistant weeds, and integrated weed management methods can reduce dependence on herbicides. The growth of E. crus-galli and rice seedlings was shown to be significantly inhibited by high concentrations of fulvic acid (FA, C14H12O8) under flooding conditions (HF, 0.80 g L−1) (P < 0.05). In contrast, seedling growth was promoted by the application of very low concentrations of FA (LF, 0.02 g L−1). The activities of glutathione S-transferase (GST) and antioxidant enzymes, including total superoxide dismutase (T-SOD), peroxidase (POD), and catalase (CAT), in E. crus-galli seedlings were enhanced by the LF treatment; while POD activity decreased and GST, T-SOD, and CAT activity was not significantly altered by the HF treatment. The metabolomic and transcriptomic analyses showed that FA regulated E. crus-galli seedling growth by affecting the synthesis of indole derivatives and flavonoid compounds. Compared with the blank control (CK, 0 g L−1), the levels of four indole derivatives were upregulated under the HF treatment, and the indole derivatives were slightly downregulated under the LF treatment. The flavonoids, including naringenin, naringenin chalcone, eriodictyol, kaempferol, and epigallocatechin, were downregulated under HF treatment, and the growth of E. crus-galli was reduced. In contrast, the metabolism and transcription of flavonoids were not significantly altered by the LF treatment. The addition of 0.80 g L−1 FA obviously inhibited the growth of newly sprouted E. crus-galli, whereas rice growth was significantly promoted 8 d after rice planting (P < 0.05). The application of FA, therefore, might be a potential integrated weed management method to control the damage caused by E. crus-galli in paddy fields.
Many overseas Chinese graduates returned to China after the establishment of the new republic by the Nationalists in 1912. They found that they had to re-evaluate their Western experiences and values from a perspective based on this new Chinese context. With regards to press freedom, individual circumstances and preferences resulted in divergent conceptions of press freedom. This chapter elaborates on these different attitudes towards press freedom amongst the more educated class in the 1920s and the 1930s. Debates were centred on two issues – ‘people's right versus human rights’, and ‘freedom versus limitation’. It shows that contested interpretations were based on the different socio-cultural backgrounds and personal selections of the concerned parties.
Keywords: New Culture Movement, absolute freedom, Marxism, political tutelage, press censorship, Chinese resistance war
A large number of overseas Chinese graduates returned to China after the establishment of the new republic, and many of them had obtained master's or doctoral degrees from prestigious international universities. The new republican government provided them with tempting job opportunities. The majority of these returning graduates were immediately hired as civil servants and participated in the routine operation of government. Others were hired as educators working in tertiary and secondary education institutions. These people, as well as their students who would graduate from domestic universities, were the intellectual elite who existed as the third power between the official ideology (the Three Principles of the People) and the general population who had little understanding of press freedom. They were a group of people who had experienced life in the West and had some knowledge of Western theories, and most of them were sympathetic to and enthusiastic about Western values and lifestyles.
After returning to their home country, however, particularly as many of them began serving in the Nationalist government, they had to re-evaluate their Western experiences and values from a perspective based on the new Chinese context. For each person this reevaluation was different, of course, resulting in divergent conceptions of press freedom amongst these intellectual elite. Nonetheless, their interpretations and understandings are key to understanding the history of press freedom in China.
This chapter explores the knowledge transfer of the notion of ‘freedom of the press’ that occurred through cultural interactions between China and Meiji Japan at the turn of the twentieth century. Compared with the scattered ideas initially imported from the West, the Japanese origin of Chinese press freedom was more influential, and the concept became popular amongst Chinese intellectuals at that time. This chapter uncovers the influence of Meiji Japanese intellectuals on the formation of the Chinese conception of press freedom and explains linguistic issues resulting from this knowledge transfer between the two countries. It also points out the problematic origins of Chinese press freedom and key contextual particularities that affected its acceptance.
In modern Chinese vocabulary, the phrase chuban ziyou (出版自由) is used to denote the Western concept of ‘liberty of the press/freedom of the press’. However, both the Chinese words chuban (出版) and ziyou (自 由) were not used to denote ‘the press’ and ‘freedom/liberty’ respectively in Chinese literature before the nineteenth century. As a matter of fact, chuban was not a Chinese word, despite being constituted by the Chinese characters chu (出) and ban (版). Neither was chuban ziyou a concept or word in Chinese literature before the nineteenth century. The question is, where did the phrase come from, and why and how did it come to be used to denote the modern concept of ‘liberty of the press/freedom of the press’ in Chinese literature from the late nineteenth century? These questions are important, as they concern the academic issue of the formalization of the concept. Only when a country uses its national language to denote an imported alien concept does that concept really become fully transplanted into the importing country, more formally becoming a conceptual tool.
Despite previous scholars having failed to answer these questions, some still provide us with useful clues. Chinese scholar Zheng Kuangmin has indicated that there were two paths by which the Western concept of ‘freedom/liberty’ was imported into China.
This chapter discusses Sun Yat-sen's thoughts on ‘liberty’ and their later development along anti-liberal lines. The near-deification of Sun Yat-sen in the late 1920s following his death ensured that his views and theories became the dominant discourse and that his intellectual legacy exerted significant influence on discussions of press freedom in China over the first half of the twentieth century. Sun Yat-sen's anti-liberal thoughts became integrated into the area of national news policy and journalism theory. The ‘San-min Doctrine of Journalism’ was formulated and came to dominate the official discourse. This later became the theoretical foundation that legitimized the policy of press censorship carried out by the Nationalist government.
Keywords: national liberty, three principles of the people, political right, authoritarianism, Kuomintang
The New Era
In the first decade of the twentieth century, when Chinese people maintained only a liminal perception and experience of the free press, Chinese revolutionaries began to organize and launch anti-Qing activities in the southern provinces. The revolutionaries came from different social classes, and many of them were members of anti-Qing secret societies known as huidang.. They were a loosely organized military force and were proficient at planning and conducting assassinations, military revolts, and other anti-government activities. Most of them knew very little about Chinese revolutionary philosophy and had no intention of establishing a republican government or a new democratic China. Many of them still regarded the revolutionaries’ anti-government and anti-Manchu activities as a necessary process to overthrow the old Manchu emperor and support a new Han emperor in his place. Indeed, the term ‘Chinese revolution’ meant nothing more to them than expelling the Manchus.
Under the guidance and leadership of Sun Yat-sen, the ‘reactionary’ Chinese intellectuals provided the revolutionaries with specialized knowledge of Western politics and insights into the future of Chinese revolution. Different from the older generation of traditional Chinese intellectuals, this rising generation of ‘reactionary’ Chinese were formed after the abolition of the imperial civil examination. Since there was no longer a pathway for them to serve in the imperial government through distinguishing themselves in this examination, many chose to study in Japan on a self-funded basis. Yet many only studied at Japanese tertiary institutions for a short time and did not obtain any diplomas or degrees.
This chapter explores the reception of the Western concept of press freedom by Chinese intellectuals when they first encountered it at the turn of the twentieth century. It argues that, during this process of knowledge transfer, the meaning of press freedom as received by Chinese intellectuals was different from Western conceptions at that time. It shows how the introduction of this concept was closely related to the developing realities of Chinese society and echoed Chinese social and cultural pursuits in the late nineteenth century. Due to their specific socio-cultural milieu, Chinese intellectuals misinterpreted the moral discourse and liberal meanings of the Western concept of freedom of the press.
The previous chapter concluded that when the nineteenth-century pioneers initially introduced the Western idea of press freedom into China, they outlined three fundamental principles as to why it should be adopted. First, that the ‘state’ would benefit from a free press, as the better a free press performs its function, the more prosperous the country will become. Second, they saw freedom (including freedom of the press and freedom of speech) as endowed by natural law and by God (or ‘Heaven’ in Chinese parlance). Freedom of speech as a natural right was understood to be God's gift to mankind. Therefore, people should be allowed to express their opinions freely and to publish their thoughts in books, pamphlets, and periodicals without censorship. Protestant missionaries maintained that all people should be allowed to express and publish their opinions without government interference, and press freedom was articulated as an indispensable constituent of the discourse of freedom of religion (particularly the freedom of publishing articles to disseminate the doctrines of Christianity). They also maintained that the freedom of the press was a civil right that enabled citizens to monitor the government and to express their political opinions. Third, the early pioneers argued that since press freedom derived from freedom of thought, freedom of the press must be fully respected so that each individual might be allowed to think freely.
In the final years of the 1940s, China was to have its last chance to realize press freedom. This chapter builds on Chapter 6, exploring the calls for press freedom that emerged in the 1940s and that echoed changes in the domestic and international situation. These calls were aimed at achieving proponents’ own political interests rather than the ideal of press freedom as a human right in itself. The motivations behind the Chinese Communist Party's advocacy of press freedom during those years are explored as well as the fears that made many Nationalists wary of a truly free press. ‘Freedom of the press’ had become an instrumental concept used for political purposes, where a free press was not the intended outcome.
Keywords: Nationalist Party, Kuomintang, Chinese Communist Party, constitutional movement, Chiang Kai-shek, civil rights
In June 1929, the Nationalist Party promised that Political Tutelage would only last for a six-year period, after which a constitutional government would be formally established in 1935. This promise was not kept. Faced with intractable military and political crises both internationally and domestically, the the Nationalist Party did not proceed with the transition from Political Tutelage to constitutional democracy. Before addressing the constitution, the Nationalist Party felt there were other issues that were more critical, such as the resistance war against Japan, the continuing political and military conflicts amongst the different factions and cliques within the Nationalist Party, and the ‘encirclement and suppression’ campaign they were running against the Communist troops. After the end of the Second World War, Chiang Kai-shek still insisted on a military dictatorship and refused to implement constitutional democracy until the armed forces of the Communist Party had been entirely dismantled. In this context, many non- Nationalist intellectuals, and particularly those from the opposition parties, increased their calls for constitutional democracy, urging the Nationalist Party to honour its earlier commitment. During this movement of striving for constitutional democracy, fighting for a free press became an important agenda for these intellectuals.
The Constitutional Movement and Democratic Propositions
Even though calls to move towards constitutional democracy and press freedom had emerged as early as the late 1930s, it was not until the 1940s that they became more vocal.
This chapter examines the introduction of the Western concept of press freedom into imperial China. The initial introduction of freedom of the press was a product of the transnational interaction between China and the West in the nineteenth century. From the 1830s, Western businessmen, European Protestant missionaries, and Chinese diplomats introduced scattered ideas of press freedom into China, though these had very little influence at the time. This chapter documents this initial process of conceptual transplantation and summarizes the differing interpretations of press freedom through an in-depth textual analysis of primary sources.
Keywords: translation, imperial China, newspapers, missionary publishing industry, liberty, media history
China in a Transitional Period
On 30 June 1906, the newspaper Shenbao published an editorial observing that ‘large numbers of books have been translated from the East and the West, and through this, modern knowledge has flowed into China at the same time. When Chinese literates write articles they use new vocabulary here and there, which has even changed the classic style of Chinese writings.’ This statement highlights that numerous alien concepts had been introduced into China, becoming trendy and popular notions that were utilized by Chinese literates. It also identifies that those concepts came from ‘the East’ and ‘the West’.
The notions of ‘the East’ and ‘the West’ were geographical indicators based on the historical presumption that China was the centre of the world. From the tenth century, Chinese people began to think of their land as being at the centre of the map. They traded with other countries and generalized them as ‘the Eastern countries’ and ‘the Western countries’ based on this. As Chinese scholars noted in the nineteenth century, ‘the notions of “the South” and “the North” [were] unchanged, but the “the East” and “the West” [were] changing diachronically’. From the very beginning, the geographical location of ‘the West’ referred to locations to the west of Yümen, now a city in Gansu province, and with the development of the Silk Road the word was particularly used to refer to the western Asian nations. After the first and the second industrial revolutions, the notion of ‘the West’ began to refer to European countries as they exerted a stronger influence on Chinese modernity.
Western commentators have often criticized the state of press freedom in China, arguing that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restrictions and that its mass media remains under an authoritarian mode. Yet the history of press freedom in the Chinese context has received little examination. Unlike conventional historical accounts which narrate the institutional development of censorship and people's resistance to arbitrary repression, Freedom of the Press in China: A Conceptual History, 1831–1949 is the first comprehensive study presenting the intellectual trajectory of press freedom. It sheds light on the transcultural transference and localization of the concept in modern Chinese history, spanning from its initial introduction in 1831 to the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. By examining intellectuals' thoughts, common people's attitudes, and official opinions, along with the social-cultural factors that were involved in negotiating Chinese interpretations and practices in history, this book uncovers the dynamic and changing meanings of press freedom in modern China.
Observers of the media landscape in China often express the criticism that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restriction and that mass media is run in an ‘authoritarian mode.’ Yet how did the state of press freedom in China end up like this? Was this an inevitable outcome, or are there historical antecedents that predate the communist system? To answer these questions, we need to conduct a comprehensive inquiry into China's history of press freedom because today's conception of press freedom is fundamentally related to its past. In the case of China, this conceptual history has so far received little attention. This chapter delineates theoretical backgrounds and methodological issues relating to the conceptual history of press freedom in China.
Keywords: liberalism, democracy, structure of feeling, freedom of speech, Asian values, transnational history
‘Democracy and free speech should be taken for granted. Democracy and freedom are the fresh air that is worth fighting for.’ When the outspoken Chinese graduate Shuping Yang delivered her graduation speech at the University of Maryland in the United States on 21 May 2017 – arguing that in China, ‘only authorities owned the narrative’ and praising the U.S. for ‘the fresh air of free speech’ – she might not have anticipated the extent to which her ‘politically incorrect’ speech would draw such harsh critique from many Chinese students in America and social media users in China. They considered her speech as pandering to America and as ‘insulting China’. One such person commented in fury: ‘Don't let me meet you in the United States; I am afraid I could not stop myself from going up and smacking you in the face.’
Is the reputation of the nation more valuable than freedom of speech? As the BBC's China expert Carrie Gracie commented, Shuping Yang's case ‘highlighted a conflict between a commitment to free speech in Western countries that host large communities of Chinese students and the growing determination of the Chinese government and some of its citizens that free speech should be limited when it comes to talking about China, even beyond Chinese borders’.
This chapter begins by tracing the expressions of press freedom in Chinese constitutional documents from the 1910s to the 1940s. Even though the concept was enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, it was an empty phrase in practice. The chapter also examines how the concept of press freedom was covered in school textbooks during that period, showing that principles of press freedom were mentioned briefly but incoherently and were not taught well in classrooms. The chapter then illustrates the indifferent attitude of the Chinese public towards press freedom by scrutinizing conversations recorded in diaries and historical details published in newspapers at that time as well as the violence that would often be directed against newspapermen trying to exercise their right to a free press.
Keywords: Chinese revolution, freedom of the press, political education, civil rights, curriculum
After the establishment of the Chinese Republic, most common people in China had no clear and coherent understanding of press freedom. Apart from some members of the intellectual elite, the majority of Chinese people lacked essential knowledge on the issue. As a Chinese newspaper in Beijing observed in 1926, ‘the Chinese masses, no matter whether journalists and newspapermen or our common people, may not know what press freedom is exactly’. This comment seems reasonable. Despite the establishment of a ‘republican’ government, the concept of press freedom had never been effectively popularized and had not permeated most of Chinese society. In constitutional documents and school textbooks, the concept of press freedom was rarely mentioned and even seemed like an empty phrase.
Press Freedom in Constitutional Documents
As early as 1908, when the imperial court set out to prepare for the proposed constitutional monarchy, the Manchus had already tried to include the term ‘freedom of the press’ in the constitution. The Qinding Xianfa Dagang (Court Sanctioned Outline of the Constitution, 欽定憲法大綱) was the first constitutional document in modern China. It was influenced by Japan's Meiji Constitution, and most of the terms and clauses were copied from that original text. However, unlike the Japanese constitution, it vested all powers in the Chinese emperor. The Constitution stipulated that ‘Subjects, as permitted by law, have the freedom of speech, publication, assembly and association.’
Ever since the concept of press freedom was first introduced into China during the late-Qing dynasty, Chinese perceptions of the function of a free press have frequently changed. This research has shown that the social and cultural context shaped the unique interpretations of press freedom in China and impacted the extent to which it was realized in modern Chinese history. There were numerous problems that permeated the history of press freedom in China, problems that continue to influence the experience of press freedom in China today. This chapter concludes by exploring the theoretical and contemporary implications of the conceptual history of press freedom in China.
Keywords: political reform, Maoist era, freedom of speech, media control, press censorship
Even though the Chinese system of writing had been invented as early as the fourteenth century BCE, the right to press freedom had never developed in imperial China. The arrival of this modern concept from the outside reflected China's encounter with the Western Enlightenment, and as such it is a meaningful topic relating to transcultural knowledge transfer and human freedom in China. This book has focused on the transcultural transfer and development of the concept of press freedom in modern China. During the 110 years from the 1830s to 1940s, China was forced to fight for its survival as a nation due to unexpected international aggressions and wars. It then successively experienced a bourgeois revolution and a communist revolution as a result of increasingly severe social crises. China was involved twice in world wars, and the Second World War led to almost complete exhaustion. The concept of press freedom thus had to develop alongside drastic social change and the pains and ignomony inflicted on both people and nation by recurring conflicts and crises.
The history of press freedom in China saw the introduction of the free press to late-Qing-era intellectuals during the early years of the Republic and later the influence of the Nationalist Party's conservative news policy; yet it came to a premature end in the middle of the twentieth century. In later decades, the Western concept of press freedom would be entirely denied and criticized by Chinese authorities.