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Silver nanowire (AgNW) diameters are typically characterized by manual measurement from high magnification electron microscope images. Measurement is monotonous and has potential ergonomic hazards. Because of this, statistics regarding wire diameter distribution can be poor, costly, and low-throughput. In addition, manual measurements are of unknown uncertainty and operator bias. In this paper we report an improved microscopy method for diameter and yield measurement of nanowires in terms of speed/automation and reduction of analyst variability. Each step in the process to generate these measurements was analyzed and optimized: microscope imaging conditions, sample preparation for imaging, image acquisition, image analysis, and data processing. With the resulting method, average diameter differences between samples of just a few nanometers can be confidently and statistically distinguished, allowing the identification of subtle incremental improvements in reactor processing conditions, and insight into nucleation and growth kinetics of AgNWs.
This Review describes the objectives and methodology of the DairyWater project as it aims to aid the Irish dairy processing industry in achieving sustainability as it expands. With the abolition of European milk quotas in March 2015, the Republic of Ireland saw a surge in milk production. The DairyWater project was established in anticipation of this expansion of the Irish dairy sector in order to develop innovative solutions for the efficient management of water consumption, wastewater treatment and the resulting energy use within the country's dairy processing industry. Therefore, the project can be divided into three main thematic areas: dairy wastewater treatment technologies and microbial analysis, water re-use and rainwater harvesting and environmental assessment. In order to ensure the project remains as relevant as possible to the industry, a project advisory board containing key industry stakeholders has been established. To date, a number of large scale studies, using data obtained directly from the Irish dairy industry, have been performed. Additionally, pilot-scale wastewater treatment (intermittently aerated sequencing batch reactor) and tertiary treatment (flow-through pulsed ultraviolet system) technologies have been demonstrated within the project. Further details on selected aspects of the project are discussed in greater detail in the subsequent cluster of research communications.
There is much epidemiological evidence suggesting a reduced risk of development of type 2 diabetes (T2D) in habitual coffee drinkers, however to date there have been few longer-term interventions, directly examining the effects of coffee intake on glucose and lipid metabolism. Previous studies may be confounded by inter-individual variation in caffeine metabolism. Specifically, the rs762551 SNP in the CYP1A2 gene has been demonstrated to influence caffeine metabolism, with carriers of the C allele considered to be of a ‘slow’ metaboliser phenotype. This study investigated the effects of regular coffee intake on markers of glucose and lipid metabolism in coffee-naïve individuals, with novel analysis by rs762551 genotype. Participants were randomised to either a coffee group (n 19) who consumed four cups/d instant coffee for 12 weeks or a control group (n 8) who remained coffee/caffeine free. Venous blood samples were taken pre- and post-intervention. Primary analysis revealed no significant differences between groups. Analysis of the coffee group by genotype revealed several differences. Before coffee intake, the AC genotype (‘slow’ caffeine metabolisers, n 9) displayed higher baseline glucose and NEFA than the AA genotype (‘fast’ caffeine metabolisers, n 10, P<0·05). Post-intervention, reduced postprandial glycaemia and reduced NEFA suppression were observed in the AC genotype, with the opposite result observed in the AA genotype (P<0·05). These observed differences between genotypes warrant further investigation and indicate there may be no one-size-fits-all recommendation with regard to coffee drinking and T2D risk.
To assess the association of fish consumption with risk of dementia and its dose–response relationship, and investigate variations in the association among low-, middle- and high-income countries.
A new community-based cross-sectional study and a systematic literature review.
Urban and rural communities in China; population-based studies systematically searched from worldwide literature.
Chinese adults aged ≥60 years in six provinces (n 6981) took part in a household health survey of dementia prevalence and risk factors. In addition, 33 964 participants from eleven published and eligible studies were included in the systematic review and meta-analysis.
In the new study in China, 326 participants were diagnosed with dementia (4·7 %); those who consumed any amount of fish in the past two years v. those who consumed no fish had reduced risk of dementia (adjusted OR=0·73, 95 % CI 0·64, 0·99), but the dose–response relationship was not statistically significant. The meta-analysis of available data from the literature and the new study showed relative risk (RR) of dementia of 0·80 (95 % CI 0·74, 0·87) for people with fish consumption; the impact was similar among countries with different levels of income. Pooled dose–response data revealed RR (95 % CI) of 0·84 (0·72, 0·98), 0·78 (0·68, 0·90) and 0·77 (0·61, 0·98) in people with low, middle and high consumption of fish, respectively. Corresponding figures for Alzheimer’s disease were 0·88 (0·74, 1·04), 0·79 (0·65, 0·96) and 0·67 (0·58, 0·78), respectively.
Greater consumption of fish is associated with a lower risk of dementia. Increasing fish consumption may help prevent dementia worldwide regardless of income level.
Commanding co-production of security from third parties is only one way in which police obtain resources to effectively police their jurisdictions. We turn now to a second form, sale: the exchange of goods and services between police and others. In this chapter we examine instances of police buying in the goods and services they need, and the risks and benefits this entails. We look in Part 1 at police involvement in procurement and outsourcing, and then in Part 2 we turn to the acquisition of information by police through the offering of rewards and other inducements.
PART 1: SHOPPING
Shopping does not immediately spring to mind as one of the important activities of the police. At first glance it seems an unconventional or even trivial pursuit. But the purchasing of goods and services is in fact taking up increasing amounts of the time and energy of today's police. The increasing complexity of public policing, and the climate of fiscal austerity (with attending pressures for greater efficiency and effectiveness) that characterises most Western nations, have seen police going ‘outside’ for more goods and services. This increasing reliance on purchasing has also been driven by new techniques of policing in response to fresh challenges such as terrorism. Contemporary policing is accompanied by a need for goods and services undreamt of thirty years ago.
Police also engage in the act of selling their own goods and services in order to bring in financial resources to the police organisation. In this chapter we consider, in Part 1, police selling their services, what is sometimes called ‘user-pays’ or ‘fee-for-service’ policing. Part 2 looks at the sale by police of the police ‘brand’ in the form of merchandise and intellectual property.
PART 1: POLICE AS COMMERCIAL SECURITY VENDORS
Police are not only purchasers but also vendors of security. A market in crime control is far from new, as is made clear in histories of state police (Radzinowicz 1956b; Critchley 1972), but, as Zedner points out, the scale is changing. Today's market reaches all corners of the globe rather than being constrained by local or national borders (Zedner 2006: 83–84). This market includes state and non-state providers of security that are engaged in both domestic policing and military activities (Singer 2003, 2005; Avant 2005, 2006). In exploring this market, the principal research focus has been on the activities of private security companies. Much less attention has been devoted to the activities of state police organisations as players within the market (for exceptions, see Reiss 1988, Blair 1998; Wood 2000; Johnston 2003; Crawford and Lister 2006; Johnston 2006). What is particularly significant about the police as commercial security vendors is that, when their services are paid for by non-state entities, the police retain their legal status and the access this provides to the legitimate use of physical, including deadly, force (Stenning and Shearing 1979; Law Commission of Canada 2006).
The primary focus of this chapter is the third form of exchange relationship, donation or gift. Our concern here is with gifts to the police organisation, rather than to individual members. This can entail the giving of cash grants, or the provision of complimentary goods and services to the police organisation, usually in return for acknowledgment or recognition.
Part 1 of the chapter examines private sponsorship of public policing and its increasing importance to police organisations as a means of enhancing their resources. Part 2, similarly, considers the growing reliance of police organisations on the voluntary assistance of people who are not police officers.
PART 1: PRIVATE SPONSORSHIP OF PUBLIC POLICING
While the notion of private sector subsidies or sponsorship of public police agencies and operations might strike those who favour a large state apparatus as less than desirable, the idea of private sponsorship of governmental functions is not at all new. Let's start with some easy cases:
Funding for the arts: Many works of art are donated to public museums by private citizens. Many public art exhibitions are sponsored by corporations. The Louvre, traditionally resistant to naming galleries after benefactors, announced in 2007 that it will name a wing after Sheik Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, President of the United Arab Emirates and the Ruler of Abu Dhabi (Riding 2007).
It will probably come as no surprise that public police budgets are not a common subject in the academic literature about policing. With a few exceptions, most policing scholars prefer to deal with policing objectives, methodologies and outcomes rather than come to grips with the more technical and undoubtedly drier subject of the financial underpinnings of police work. For many of us, budgets and accounts, with their long columns of figures and specialist language, are mystifying entities that we would prefer to remain the exclusive domain of accountants.
Police, however, have no choice but to grapple on a daily basis with issues concerning acquisition and allocation of resources. Not only must police get the job done, but they must be seen to be doing so in a way that is both efficient (not wasteful of resources) and effective (achieving desired outcomes). Political imperatives, such as the translation of private sector mentalities and methods into public sector activities over the last three or so decades, have driven changes in the way in which police strategize and implement resource decisions. Budgets for public policing are by all accounts getting tighter. Competition for security work is increasing, in the form of private security providers and volunteer organisations, while public demand for visible accessible public policing continues to grow. Police are facing the singular challenge of being required to function within a business paradigm while still trying to provide a ‘public service’ which delivers ‘justice’ and does so equitably and coherently.
Relentless fiscal pressures faced by the public police over the last few decades have meant that police organisations have had to find new ways to obtain and harness the resources needed to achieve their goals. Through entering into relationships of coercion, commercial exchange, and gift with a wide variety of external institutions and individuals operating in both public and private capacities, police organisations have risen to this challenge. Indeed, police organisations are increasingly operating within a business paradigm. But what are the benefits of these relationships and the nature of the risks that might accompany reliance upon them? This book examines these new modes of exchange between police and 'outsiders' and explores how far these relationships can be taken before certain fundamental values - equity in the distribution of policing, cost-effectiveness in the delivery of police services, and the legitimacy of the police institution itself - are placed in jeopardy.
Contemporary policing is a reflection of both continuity and change. At the outset of this book, we said that police management at the beginning of the twenty-first century is undergoing a dramatic transformation. This change is a response to the pressure on police to ‘do more with less’ resulting from the revolution in public management that began in the latter half of the last century and ushered in an era of chronic and enduring financial restraint for public institutions. In the chapters that followed, we sought to give flesh to the bones of this transformation, exploring in some detail the techniques police are using today to enhance their resources. These techniques involve police in exchanges with the ‘outside’ world: with other government agencies, with community organisations, with the business community and with individuals in various capacities. Some of these arrangements we have examined have been wholly new and even quite startling; others have proved to be ‘old friends’. Through this examination, the complexity of what Bayley and Shearing (2001) termed the multilateral character of policing, and what Shearing and others have since referred to as the governance of security has revealed itself (Burris, Drahos and Shearing 2005).
In this concluding chapter, we look first at how we have gone about the task of unpacking this transformation in public policing. We then examine some of the implications of our findings.
Many of us would find it difficult to imagine a police car with commercial advertising on its sides. The practice would strike some as preposterous, an affront to the dignity of the police service. At the end of 2006, we asked a senior Australian police officer if this could ever happen in her country. “Never say never” was her reply.
This book is about the dramatic transformation in police management that is occurring at the beginning of the twenty first century. The change is astonishing. In some jurisdictions, to commence an investigation, or to introduce a crime prevention project, requires one to present a ‘business case’. A senior Singapore police officer recently mused that he was as much a businessman as a policeman, and suggested, not entirely metaphorically, that the Singapore Police might one day be listed on the Stock Exchange. He predicted a bull run.
There was a time, not that long ago, when policing in English-speaking democracies was very different from what it is today. It was done almost exclusively by career public employees, known commonly, if not universally, as ‘police.’ They tended to join the ranks at a relatively early age (the late teens in some places) and after a brief period of instruction and physical training at a police academy, to learn their craft on the job.
As previous chapters have shown, police departments engage in all manner of exchanges with institutions and individuals outside their ranks. They command assistance from common citizens. They buy and sell goods and services. They receive donations in cash and in kind from business and from ordinary individuals.
At times, these exchanges have been inherently criminal transactions. Coerced confessions and ‘third degree’ methods were common practice a century ago in English-speaking democracies (Skolnick and Fyfe, 1993: 43–48), and still take place in many countries. Although rare as a matter of official policy, police have sold all varieties of contraband, and have traded dispensation in return for cash or favours. And gifts to police in implicit anticipation of special consideration have long been commonplace in urban society.
But today, at least in advanced democracies, most of the exchange along the three dimensions of coercion, sale, and gift is completely legitimate. Requiring assistance to law enforcement by mandating record-keeping and disclosure of transactions by second-hand goods dealers makes the fencing of stolen goods more difficult to accomplish. Fee-for-service or user-pays policing helps defray the cost of deploying public police to secure special events of a commercial or private nature such as concerts and professional sporting events. In addition to uniforms, firearms and motor vehicles, police purchase products as diverse as kitchen and bathroom fittings and equipment, specialised apparel photographic equipment, musical instruments and livestock in the form of dogs and horses (see Chapter 4).