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Debates surrounding both the church and the law played an important role in the conflicts that marked seventeenth-century England. Calls for reform of the law in the Civil Wars and Interregnum complicated the apparent relationship between puritanism and the common law, as the first fragmented and the second came under attack in the 1640s and 1650s. This article first analyses the common lawyer Bulstrode Whitelocke's historical and constitutional writings that defended the common law against demands for its reform and argued that its legitimacy derived from its origins in, and resemblances to, the law of Moses. Refraining from the radical application of this model employed by some contemporaries, Whitelocke instead turned to British history to make his case. This article then examines Whitelocke's views of the relationship between common law and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in his own day, showing how, both as a lawyer and as a puritan, he navigated laws demanding religious conformity. Whitelocke's career therefore demonstrates how lawyers could negotiate the fraught relationship between the church and the law in the aftermath of the reconfigurations provoked by the Civil Wars and Restoration.
In early August 1690, the Puritan Roger Morrice noted in his Entring Book an account of a controversy at Ealing in 1647 over keeping Christmas. Morrice's account expanded that of his source, the Memorials of the English Affairs, written by the common lawyer Bulstrode Whitelocke. Four years earlier, Morrice had recorded that Whitelocke's book, advertised in the posthumous auction of the library of the Earl of Anglesey, was banned from sale. Both Puritans, Whitelocke and Morrice were excluded from the centre of politics and religion after 1660 by their dislike of unlimited monarchy and the re-established Church. Since neither printed much, they have been subjected to a second, historiographical, exclusion, for both have been overlooked in modern scholars’ focus on print culture and printed sources. Indeed, both have been studied for their commentary on events – Morrice's of the Restoration, Whitelocke's of the civil wars – more than in their own right.
Mark Goldie's exploration of Morrice's world of Restoration Puritan politics and religion said very little about Whitelocke. Yet at times the latter seems akin to Morrice's Puritan whig associates Denzil Holles and Sir John Maynard. Whitelocke had chaired the committee on the Earl of Strafford's impeachment; Maynard had given evidence. Both were sceptical of claims about plans to raise an Irish army. All three men were involved in peace negotiations in the civil wars; Holles and Whitelocke had been investigated by parliament for unauthorised advice to the king. While Holles distanced himself from the Interregnum regimes, Maynard became reconciled to Cromwell: he supported the offer of the crown, while Whitelocke chaired the committee that drew up the Humble Petition and Advice, having avoided involvement in the regicide, but served under the Commonwealth. After the Restoration, Holles became an ambassador, and Maynard a king's sergeant. Whitelocke received nothing. Has he been subjected to a third exclusion, this time from the ranks of the Morricean Puritan whigs? This essay explores that question by considering both the remarkable similarities and striking differences between the two Puritans.
Whitelocke is a much easier character to track down than the biographically elusive Morrice. The main modern work on him is Ruth Spalding's biography and edition of his ‘Diary’, although the biography said relatively little about his political writing or his post-Restoration life.
Neuropsychiatric symptoms (NPI) of dementia are important determinants of caregiver burden, while caregiver coping styles and competences can relieve burden. Caregivers differ in coping with the demands made on them and in experienced burden. What changes in caregivers explain recovery from burden, and which caregiver characteristics predict recovery from burden over time, and does treatment make a difference?
This study into recovery from burden was a secondary analysis of data collected in a formerly conducted randomized controlled trial (RCT) on the integrated reactivation and rehabilitation (IRR) programme in a psychiatric-skilled nursing home, compared to usual care (UC; i.e. day care, assisted living arrangements, and nursing home wards). For this secondary analysis, longitudinal data on persons with dementia and caregivers were used from baseline (T1), end of treatment (T2), and at nine months (T3).
Caregivers with an improved sense of competence (SCS) who care for persons with dementia with a decreased severity of NPI have the highest chance of recovering from burden (CSI). Caregivers with a tendency to feel involved with others and sympathize with others (affiliation, ICL-R) have a slightly lower probability of improvement with respect to their sense of competence in the short term. The number of improved caregivers was higher in IRR than UC.
Recovery depends on both an improved sense of competence and a decreased severity of NPI. Combined interventions that address both NPI and focus on enhancing caregiver's sense of competence have added value when it comes to decreasing caregiver burden.
This article examines the late-seventeenth-century Church of England's understanding of rulers’ ecclesiastical imperium through analysing a pamphlet debate about Julian the Apostate and Church-state relations in the fourth-century Roman empire. In 1682 an Anglican cleric, Samuel Johnson, printed an account of Julian's reign that argued that the primitive Christians had resisted the emperor's persecutory policies and that Johnson's contemporaries should adopt the same stance towards the Catholic heir presumptive, James, duke of York. Surveying the reaction to Johnson, this article probes the ability of Anglican royalists to map fourth-century Roman onto seventeenth-century English imperium, their assertions about how Christians should respond to an apostate monarch, and whether these authors fulfilled such claims when James came to the throne. It also considers their negotiation of the question of whether miracles existed in the fourth-century imperial Church. It concludes that, despite Rome's territorial dimensions, imperium remained a fundamentally legal-constitutional concept in this period, and that the debate over Julian highlights the fundamentally tense and ambivalent relationship between Church and empire.
The emergency department (ED) left-without-being-seen (LWBS) rate is a performance indicator, although there is limited knowledge about why people leave, or whether they seek alternate care. We studied characteristics of ED LWBS patients to determine factors associated with LWBS.
We collected demographic data on LWBS patients at two urban hospitals. Sequential LWBS patients were contacted and surveyed using a standardized telephone survey. A matched group of patients who did not leave were also surveyed. Data were analysed using the Fisher exact test, chi-square test, and student t-test.
The LWBS group (n=1508) and control group (n=1504) were matched for sex, triage category, recorded wait times, employment and education, and having a family physician. LWBS patients were younger, more likely to present in the evening or at night, and lived closer to the hospital. A long wait time was the most cited reason for leaving (79%); concern about medical condition was the most common reason for staying (96%). Top responses for improved likelihood of waiting were shorter wait times (LWBS, 66%; control, 31%) and more information on wait times (41%; 23%). A majority in both groups felt that their condition was a true emergency (63%; 72%). LWBS patients were more likely to seek further health care (63% v. 28%; p<0.001) and sooner (median time 1 day v. 2-4 days; p=0.002). Among patients who felt that their condition was not a true emergency, the top reason for ED attendance was the inability to see their family doctor (62% in both groups).
LWBS patients had similar opinions, experiences, and expectations as control patients. The main reason for LWBS was waiting longer than expected. LWBS patients were more likely to seek further health care, and did so sooner. Patients wait because of concern about their health problem. Shorter wait times and improved communication may reduce the LWBS rate.
Many people with intellectual disabilities find it hard to control their anger and this often leads to aggression which can have serious consequences, such as exclusion from mainstream services and the need for potentially more expensive emergency placements.
To evaluate the effectiveness of a cognitive–behavioural therapy (CBT) intervention for anger management in people with intellectual disabilities.
A cluster-randomised trial of group-based 12-week CBT, which took place in day services for people with intellectual disabilities and was delivered by care staff using a treatment manual. Participants were 179 service users identified as having problems with anger control randomly assigned to either anger management or treatment as usual. Assessments were conducted before the intervention, and at 16 weeks and 10 months after randomisation (trial registration: ISRCTN37509773).
The intervention had only a small, and non-significant, effect on participants' reports of anger on the Provocation Index, the primary outcome measure (mean difference 2.8, 95% Cl −1.7 to 7.4 at 10 months). However, keyworker Provocation Index ratings were significantly lower in both follow-up assessments, as were service-user ratings on another self-report anger measure based on personally salient triggers. Both service users and their keyworkers reported greater usage of anger coping skills at both follow-up assessments and keyworkers and home carers reported lower levels of challenging behaviour.
The intervention was effective in improving anger control by people with intellectual disabilities. It provides evidence of the effectiveness of a CBT intervention for this client group and demonstrates that the staff who work with them can be trained and supervised to deliver such an intervention with reasonable fidelity.
To evaluate the growth of children after repair of Tetralogy of Fallot, as well as the influence of residual lesions and socio-economic status.
A total of 17 children, including 10 boys with a median age of 16 months at surgery, were enrolled in a retrospective cohort, in a tertiary care university hospital. Anthropometric (as z-scores), clinical, nutritional, and social data were collected.
Weight-for-age and weight-for-height z-scores decreased pre-operatively and recovered post-operatively in almost all patients, most markedly weight for age. Weight-for-height z-scores improved, but were still lower than birth values in the long term. Long-term height-for-age z-scores were higher than those at birth, surgery, and 3 months post-operatively. Most patients showed catch-up growth for height for age (70%), weight for age (82%), and weight for height (70%). Post-operative residual lesions (76%) influenced weight-for-age z-scores. Despite the fact that most patients (70%) were from low-income families, energy intake was above the estimated requirement for age and gender in all but one patient. There was no influence of socio-economic status on pre- and post-operative growth. Bone age was delayed and long-term-predicted height was within mid-parental height limits in 16 children (93%).
Children submitted to Tetralogy of Fallot repair had pre-operative acute growth restriction and showed post-operative catch-up growth for weight and height. Acute growth restriction could still be present in the long term.
To be a Catholic in seventeenth-century England was to court opprobrium, social exclusion, and political suspicion. While in practice Englishmen co-existed with their Catholic neighbours, they feared and reviled the vaguer bogeyman of the papist. The spectre of popery haunted British kings and it twice derailed Stuart monarchs, in the mid-century Civil Wars and in the Revolution of 1688. If Charles I had lost his kingdoms because he was thought to have countenanced creeping crypto-Catholicism at court, and Charles II had been rocked by the Exclusion Crisis partly over fears of a popish successor, what chance did a dedicated overtly Catholic king have? James’s vow upon his accession to ‘preserve the government in Church and State as it is by law established’ might have provided limited reassurance when the nation called to mind similar early promises by the previous Catholic monarch, Mary I. From the incense burned at the Mass which James attended nine days after his accession Protestant nostrils imbibed no holy aroma, but rather the acrid whiff of Smithfield flames.
Nonconformists who sought to use the supremacy to restrain or even abolish bishops were often more antiprelatical than anticlerical. They saw godly clergy as having a role in the church (however organised) and some of them clung to the possibility of a godly bishop. Other theorists were more vehemently anticlerical, perceiving sedition coming from Catholic, Presbyterian, and episcopal sources. These men bemoaned ‘priestcraft’, a word which captured fears about the socio-cultural as well as political power of the clergy. The warriors in this anticlerical campaign included some of the most prominent thinkers in seventeenth-century England: John Selden, Thomas Hobbes, John Harrington, and John Locke. It is, therefore, no surprise that when discussing religious ideas, intellectual historians of the period have been prone to write the history of heterodoxy and unbelief.
The idea of the godly magistrate was common parlance in Restoration England. The depiction of Charles II on the frontispiece of William Prynne’s An Exact Chronological Vindication and Historical Demonstration of our British, Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman, English Kings Supreme Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of 1666 (see plate 1, opposite) was an exemplary illustration of the godly ruler. The Church quite literally rests on the royal sword, around which are entwined the words ‘Carol[us] D[ei] G[ratia] fidei et ecclesiae defensor’: Charles by the grace of God defender of the faith and church. Power flows from a heavenly hand to Charles, who wears a closed imperial crown, symbol of his Constantinian sovereignty. And above the church is a banner referring to Isaiah 49:23, the proof-text for royal supremacy: ‘kings shall be thy nursing fathers, and their queens thy nursing mothers’. This reflected a widespread language of godly kingship in Restoration England. This book provides the first account of the significance of this rhetoric.
The Restoration Settlement endeavoured to erase the events of the Civil Wars, but seemed unable to eradicate the religious pluralism which had flourished in the Interregnum. Politicians and divines treated denominational diversity in a variety of ways. The most fundamental division lay between those upholding a national church coextensive with the polity and those accepting that the established church would become one of several means of worship. Significantly, this fissure did not neatly coincide with that between conformity and Dissent (itself a blurred boundary). Not only was total separation of church and polity rarely advocated, there was also no inexorable rise of toleration. This was partly because prosecution (or persecution, depending on one’s point of view) rose and fell over time, and its impact differed in different areas and on different religious groupings. Informal tolerance or stigmatism also diverged from official dicta. But the prevalence of the idea of a national church made attractive the alternative to toleration: comprehension. This would broaden the church to incorporate those who dissented only on matters ‘indifferent’; not fundamentals of belief, but rites and ceremonies that the Bible did not prescribe; or who objected only to the fact of imposition rather than the items imposed. Those abandoning comprehension in favour of recognising sects outside the Church of England could rarely hope for sympathy from the strongly Anglican parliaments of the Restoration, even when proposing liberty for only Protestant not Catholic recusants. Instead they turned to royal prerogative ‘indulgences’, which unilaterally proclaimed liberty to tender consciences. In a sharp change from previous reigns, after 1660 Protestants dissatisfied with the Church looked to Whitehall, not Westminster. Comprehension was mooted in 1660, 1661, 1667, 1668, 1674, 1675, 1680, and 1689. Indulgences were promulgated in 1662, 1672, 1687, and 1688. Only in 1689 did parliament pass an act of limited toleration.
In the records of parliament, the revolutionary is intermingled with the mundane. In 1533, parliament found time, between making a statute to pave the streets of London and passing an act to prevent ‘excess in apparel’, to redefine the relationship between the king and the church in England. The Act in Restraint of Appeals was not the first assertion of royal independence from clerical jurisdiction, for such claims had been made by medieval kings against popes. But 1533 marked something qualitatively new. It began a process of reconstituting the English church and crown which would fuel debate for the next 150 years.