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Middle infrared (~2000 to 200 cm–1 or 5 to 50 μm) data are extremely useful for compositional determination of geologic materials because this wavelength region hosts the fundamental (“Reststrahlen”) vibrational bands of most minerals. Analysis of remotely sensed data requires comparison to well-developed spectral libraries populated with a wide variety of mid-IR mineral spectra (and additional rock or meteorite spectra). Here we present the theory behind molecular vibrations of mineral structures and the simple harmonic oscillators that define them mathematically. We present dispersion theory that describes how energy travels through a crystal and how propagating energy is affected by the crystal lattice structure, specifically along the various crystal axes. The equipment required for these types of laboratory measurements (both emissivity and reflectivity) is presented as well as a discussion about how mid-IR data are affected by particle size and how related volume scattering affects spectral data. Finally, mid-IR emissivity spectra acquired in a dry, 1-atm environment are provided for 93 different minerals and meteorites. These spectra are available as ancillary data files.
While leaders in many times and places from ancient Greece to today have been called to account, it has been claimed that leaders in ancient Athens were called to account more than any other group in history. This paper surveys the distinctive ways in which Athenian accountability procedures gave the democratic people as a whole a meaningful voice in defining, revealing, and judging the misuse of office, and in holding every single official regularly and personally accountable for their use of their powers. By then assessing a drastic case of unaccountability in a certain moment of Athenian history – the rule of the Thirty in 404–403 BCE – and how accountability was ultimately imposed on them, the paper concludes with thoughts about what might deepen and restore trust in the accountability of public officials today.
The Ordinances of 1311 do not appear to have aroused the interest of contemporary chroniclers to the same extent that they have historians. Many chroniclers evidently found the Ordinances rather dull, not least the author of the Vita Edwardi Secundi, who remarked that he would not include a full account of them in his text, ‘because I would break the flow of the narrative and prove tedious to readers’. In consequence, their accounts of how, why and by whom the Ordinances were drafted are chiefly confined to the most general of outlines, snatches of gossip and colourful anecdote. Indeed, several chronicles do not even mention the Ordinances at all. Yet this has not prevented historians from ascribing them central significance in the politics of the early fourteenth century. While their reasons for doing so have changed, few scholars would dissent from Davies’ judgment of a century ago that ‘of all the experiments in the constitution made during the reign [of Edward II] the Ordinances of 1311 were the most important … all subsequent attempts to restrain the king were based upon them or drew a considerable amount of inspiration from them’. Accordingly, historians of the period have been left in a curious position: agreeing that the Ordinances are essential to understand-ing Edward II's reign, but with frustratingly little evidence to understand the composition of the Ordinances themselves. As Phillips put it, ‘little is known about how the Ordainers carried out their work or who, if anyone, was the major contributor to the Ordinances’.
Yet one aspect of the Ordinances’ creation about which historians have been confident is the absence of ecclesiastical influence behind them. Although scholars like Tout and Davies once considered the bishops to be leading players in the programme of 1310–11, this has been met with short shrift from at least the middle years of the twentieth century, when Edwards acknowledged that that ‘there is little evidence for bishops’ direct influence on the framing of the Ordinances’. This view has been endorsed by many of the leading recent historians of Edward II's reign, with Maddicott remarking that ‘the Ordinances … show few signs of clerical influence’; Prestwich claiming that there exist ‘scant signs of clerical involvement’; and Phillips arguing that ‘there is little in the Ordinances themselves to suggest that the clergy made any significant contribution to their formulation’.
To examine the strengths and opportunities for improvement of current home care education practices to inform the development of the Home Care for Heart Health intervention, and to develop a web-based intervention for parents and clinicians with complimentary print materials that could provide the right education at the right time to foster a safer transition from hospital to home.
An inter-professional focus group of parents, clinicians, and designers was formed to co-create a home care education intervention for parents of children with congenital heart disease (CHD) and their care team. We used the Integrated New Product Development process model created by Jonathon Cagan and Craig Vogel at Carnegie Mellon University to develop the intervention. This process model is a way of thinking that combines horizontal and inter-disciplinary teams, stakeholder-centric focus, and a system of qualitative discovery and development evolving towards quantitative methods of refinement.
Our team developed the Home Care for Heart Health intervention. The evidenced-based intervention includes a quick reference guide for parents of children with CHD, an accompanying app, family-friendly pathways, and clinician education.
Using an inter-professional approach, our team of clinicians, parents, and design experts were able to co-create a clinician–parent home care education intervention with broad application and lifelong relevance to the Congenital Heart Disease Community.
Our intervention has the potential to be used as a model for other home care education interventions for parents of children with chronic illnesses.
To explore the dietary habits, nutrient adequacies and dietary change experiences of immigrant and refugee children.
Mixed-methods cross-sectional design. Children completed three 24 h dietary recalls to determine nutrient inadequacies. Parents and service providers were interviewed to capture dietary practices.
Healthy Immigrant Children study, Saskatchewan, Canada.
Three hundred immigrant and refugee children aged 3–13 years and twenty-two parents who lived in Regina or Saskatoon for less than 5 years; twenty-four newcomer services providers.
Immigrant children had higher mean intakes of meat and alternatives, milk and alternatives, and whole grains; and consumed more vitamin B12, folate, Ca, vitamin D, Fe and Zn compared with refugee children. Refugee children were at higher risk of having inadequate intakes of folate (37 %) and Fe (18 %). Both immigrant and refugee children were at high risk of inadequate vitamin D (87 and 93 %, respectively) and Ca intakes (79 and 80 %), and a substantial portion were at risk for inadequate Zn intake (21 and 31 %). Participants mentioned challenges with maintaining a healthy traditional diet in the midst of a busy schedule, while responding to their children’s demands for foods high in fat and sugar.
Newcomer children are at risk for inadequate intakes of vitamin D, Ca and Zn, while refugee children are at additional risk for inadequate folate and Fe intakes. Newcomers to Canada may experience subtle or drastic changes in their food environment leading to dietary acculturation that includes increased consumption of foods high in sugar, salt and fat.
Part 1 of this project can be considered largely deflationary, insofar as it offers critiques of contemporary divine action theories and, in particular, those theories privileging the human mind as a uniquely spiritual nexus for divine action. My overall goal in Part 1 was to argue two broad points. First, noninterventionist divine action theories presuppose questionable metaphysical commitments and are both scientifically flawed and theologically inadequate. Second, while theologians overwhelmingly privilege the mind as ontologically unexplainable in scientific terms or as being uniquely spiritual, we have good reason to assume that a fully naturalistic explanation for consciousness is (in principle) available. In sum, I argued that standard divine action theories in general are insufficient, and particularly that this is the case insofar as one locates divine action in the supposedly nonphysical human mind.
Philip Clayton does not consider himself a dualist, but his consistent privileging of consciousness might suggest otherwise. Nevertheless, Clayton’s premise that the mind is somehow something more than a physical process is an intuitive one, and one that is widely shared – not only in the general public but (as will become evident) in academia as well. Clayton is by no means alone in privileging the mind as a nonphysical aspect of humans that is unexplainable in physicalist terms and uniquely open to divine (inter)action. What we find when examining positions such as Clayton’s is that generally they are driven not by science, but from philosophy, intuition, or common sense. Those privileging the mind as uniquely nonphysical are apt to reject all scientific explanations of consciousness as insufficient, and as failing to address what has come to be known as the HP.
In the previous chapter, I brought the standard noninterventionist, incompatibilist model of divine action into conversation with naturalism. I argued that causal joint theories ironically presuppose a version of scientistic naturalism in which divine action is rendered anomalous and extraneous to the normal state of affairs in the natural world. In response to this theological capitulation to scientistic naturalism, I then discussed the differences between various versions of naturalism. Naturalism, I argued, is not a necessarily reductionist, physicalist, or monolithic metaphysical framework, but includes nuanced and expansive perspectives on what it means to be natural. Finally, I highlighted the expansive naturalism of Fiona Ellis, as it provides the sort of philosophical methodology that is helpful in moving from nontheistic naturalism to one that of necessity includes an account of divine action. Not only might naturalism accommodate an account of divine action, but such a claim need not entail a rejection of scientific knowledge or methodology.
In the previous chapter, I surveyed the current state of contemporary divine action theories and the role that the causal joint has played in their development. It became clear that not only is the standard model of divine action largely committed to noninterventionism and incompatibilism but that it has also exhibited a significant confusion around the laws of nature. In addition to the scientific and metaphysical problems attending the standard causal joint approach, it is evident that the problem of suffering is an immensely difficult theological challenge to any proposal suggesting that God can and does respond to created beings within the temporal natural world. As a representative test case, I outlined the debate surrounding divine action and QM, concluding that standard divine action models often fail to be scientifically plausible or theologically adequate. In fact, the entire contemporary divine action dialogue is framed by terms and metaphysical commitments that may be question begging and insufficient for Christian theism, presupposing a quasi-deistic God–world model that lacks a robust understanding of God’s immanence in, and involvement with, all Creation. This being the case, science and religion has been effectively hamstrung into producing theories that either disallow any meaningful divine action, or confine it to specific areas of the natural world (thus committing the theological faux pas of “God of the gaps” thinking). Nicholas Saunders, I suggested, is not far off in suggesting that theology is in a state of crisis – at least, that is, so far as the standard divine action model is concerned.