Sumarizes the content of the book. Explains sources, methodologies, and key terms. Elaborates arguments and frames the conversation with scholarly works on race and Africa, race in Africa, and colonialism.

Chapter 4 explores conceptions about race and multiraciality as articulated by and about métis. These ideas were central in defining the meaning and practice of French citizenship and social childhood welfare in French Africa during and after World War II (1939–1950). The main focus is Brazzaville, the capital of Free France in World War II and the center of contestations regarding the “métis question.” The chapter chronicles how what was debated, decided, and rejected here reverberated elsewhere in FEA and FWA. Even as Vichy, Free France, and post-Nazi occupation factions competed about who was the legitimate government, “the métis question” remained critical in the effort to maintain the French Empire in years of precarity. Métis people forwarded various multiracial identities and claims to legal status and quotidian rights. Their demands sparked contestations with and within the post-1946 French government and among French-educated black Africans. There was increasing mobilization by collectives of people of varied ethno-language groups in French Africa, who came together around thier shared identity as black (noire) and hightled the antiblack racism of French colonialism and of métis themselves.

Chapter 6 examines multiracial internationalism as conceptualized by the International Union of Métis (IUM), its founder Nicolas Rigonaux, and a global network of allies in Europe, French Africa, and elsewhere in the 1950s. These were twilight years of French colonial rule. The IUM’s dual pillars of mobilization and collective action focused on childhood and citizenship, in alignment with what métis organizations in Africa had long supported. Yet the meanings and claims ascribed to these concepts changed between 1957 and 1960. Multiracial internationalists struggled against racism and racial oppression, whether perpetuated by “blacks,” “whites,” or “others.” The shared identity of birth from a white and “other” parent constituted a distinct form of transnational kinship, which could build bridges to international peace and the realization of universal human rights. Multiracial people were kin whose transnational citizenship entailed civic, social, and humanitarian action for the prosperity of African and other subjugated societies. The multiracial subject would guide African societies to a new relationship with France, healing the racial trauma of colonialism and helping develop African societies, thus fostering a mutually beneficial future.

The future of zoos may be affected by issues relating to their legacy, animal welfare, the long-term viability of captive populations and their financial viability. They are becoming homogenised in a world that increasingly values diversity. Many keep animals that probably should not be in zoos because of their complex welfare requirements. If they can overcome these challenges the very best of the world’s zoos have a future and an important contribution to make towards the conservation of biodiversity.

Across Frederick Chessons career, the emergence of cheap newspapers, the prevalence of postal networks, and development of a global telegraphic system revolutionised how information was distributed. As Secretary for the Aborigines Protection Society for over three decades, Chesson was a nodal point for communication about human trafficking, effects of imperial conflicts on Indigenous peoples, the brutal retaliation for the Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica, and other outrages. Long before Lemkin coined the term genocide, Chessons journalism and activism described and decried such atrocities on several continents. Liberal activists work represents multiscalar thinking about abuses, to which Chesson contributed a repertoire demonstrating his innovative tactical and organisational forms championing racial justice.

This chapter details the literary history of short fiction written in English by African Americans from 1853 through 1934. Beginning in the antebellum era during the age of reform and continuing through the Postbellum–Pre-Harlem era before concluding with the Harlem Renaissance or New Negro Movement, this article traces the aims and goals of activists, artists, and reformers such as Frederick Douglass, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Alice Dunbar-Nelson, Paul Laurence Dunbar, Charles Chesnutt, Pauline Hopkins, Nella Larsen, Rudolph Fisher, Zora Neale Hurston, and Langston Hughes, contextualizing and contrasting their efforts to revise and critique the reductive depictions of African American life perceived within the dominant literary trends of their respective times.

Critical action – action to dismantle oppression and seek justice – is often motivated by and in response to being subjected to racism. Indeed, critical action can be an adaptive coping response to racism, such that critical action might reduce the negative impacts of racism on the individual. Further, the goal of critical action, at its core, is to eliminate racism and its coconspiring forms of oppression, eradicating the root source of harm to marginalized individuals and communities. In this chapter, we provide an overview of current research that has examined how racism is related to critical action for racially marginalized youth. We consider racism as a system of oppression that manifests through culture, institutions, and individuals, along with stress responses to racism. We then provide recommendations for future research and practice to extend our understanding of if, when, and how experiencing racism motivates or detracts from youth critical action.

The literature on critical consciousness (CC) has seen rapid growth in the past ten years. However, the literature has given very little attention to CC in preadolescent children. In this chapter, we contend that the sociopolitical and civic elements of early to middle childhood development have been understudied. Emphasizing the familial, social, and educational systems that structure the lives of young children, we elaborate on the evidence that young children hold the capacity for understanding social inequities, becoming empowered to work for social change, and acting against injustice, and we provide concrete examples of how CC might be identified and measured at different stages of the early childhood developmental period. In addition, we show that the structural emphasis of the CC literature and related literatures (e.g., work on critical race theory) adds much-needed context to the study of bias and stereotyping in early childhood.

Abstract: This chapter addresses the tension between truth and social cohesion. Since all stories are interpretation of some event or behavior, the examined life is always an interpretation of an interpretation. But the interpretation of one’s own national history is not of some distant object: It is of the self, and it has a purpose – to open up and explore the possibilities that the past offers in the present for the future. This chapter examines the qualities of a good interpretation and role of the humanities in shaping it. I show how progress in interpretation is possible and argue for a dialogical view of interpretation where meanings evolve as contexts change, as new knowledge becomes available, and as the implications of different possible interpretations become clearer.

Pan-African thinkers in the pre-1945 period developed innovative ideas that challenged the racialized hierarchies of the world economy. Some of these thinkers are discussed in previous chapters, such as George Padmore and C.L.R. James (both discussed in chapter 7) as well as Amy Ashwood Garvey (chapter 10). This chapter discusses three other prominent Pan-African thinkers who sought to cultivate the transnational economic solidarity of Africans and the African diaspora in order to challenge this group’s subordinate position in the world economy. The Jamaican-born Marcus Garvey was the best-known popularizer of this kind of “economic Pan-Africanism” via his Universal Negro Improvement Association and its Black Star Line. The other two discussed in the chapter are W.E.B. Du Bois (from the United States) and Hubert Harrison (who migrated from the Danish West Indies to the United States). The latter two disagreed with Garvey and each other about a number of issues, ranging from their views of capitalism to the role of the African diaspora in Pan-African politics.

The purpose of this project was to develop a brief, integrated measure that combines two previously published critical consciousness (CC) measures; the Contemporary Critical Consciousness Measure (CCCM (Shin et al., 2016) and CCCMII (Shin et al., 2018). This new measure is intended to assess awareness and attitudes related to various systemic, institutionalized forms of discrimination. Data from 475 participants provided initial reliability evidence for the Contemporary Critical Consciousness Measure-S (CCCM-S). Results from exploratory factor analyses suggest that the final 24-item CCCM-S provides a general index of CC as well as assesses CC specifically associated with racism, classism, heterosexism, ableism, and sexism/cis-sexism. Results support the internal consistency and factor structure of the measure. Future directions for research, training, and counseling implications are discussed.

In this chapter, I analyze the moral transformation of Derek Black in order to acquire insights into the capacities exercised by his friends in helping him overcome his racist ideology – capacities that democratic education should foster in students. Black grew up in the white nationalist movement, but then later repudiated it after college, citing the influence of close friends as a major factor. Analysis of this case suggests that Black’s college friends possessed at least two major sets of capacities, the first concerning friendship and the other regarding the promotion of truth and justice. Efforts aimed at democratic education that aspire to address racism would do well to incorporate the development of these two capacities among their objectives.

This chapter explores what can go wrong with investment migration. A program can actually be designed to promote the enrichment only of a circle of close associates of those in power. I unpack how this worked in the case in otherwise ‘anti-migration’ state of Hungary to show that generating FDI is of little help if investment migration, as practiced in a given jurisdiction, promotes international impunity by distributing citizenships to questionable individuals or aiding money laundering.

Adding a race and colonialism component, this chapter examines how citizenship has been used as a powerful tool to undermine the colonized and erect an essentially race-based firewall between white Europeans, who are citizens, and colonials who are given lesser status. Investment migration is inseparable from citizenship’s past as a colonial tool of racial domination and subjugation.

This chapter considers Rushdie’s columns, essays, and criticism to investigate the wider social, cultural, and political landscape with which his works engage. A prolific essayist, Rushdie has commented on key moments and events. These range from his own position as a diasporic Indian living in Britain to subcontinental politics, such as the assassination of Indira Gandhi, violence in Kashmir, and new emergent forms of racism in Britain. The chapter focuses especially on the collections, Imaginary Homelands: Essays and Criticism 1981–1991 and Step Across This Line: Collected Non-Fiction, 1992–2002, and columns and pieces he has written subsequently, and considers Rushdie’s role in internationalizing British literature and academia and his contributions to debates on race in Britain.

Unlike the Western Gastarbeiter, the GDR labor migrants were recruited later (the 1980s), fewer (no more than 200,000), from other countries (Vietnam, Mozambique, Poland), objects of secret service surveillance (by the Stasi), and portrayed not as labor migrants, but recipients of “brotherly” socialist solidarity. Yet the motivation for recruiting them (labor shortages) and their experience of living among Germans were similar: segregated from the general population; objects of paternalism, exoticization, hypersexualization, dehumanization, racist violence; and enticed to leave with – modest – financial bonuses when no longer needed (1983 in Western, 1990 in Eastern Germany). What was fundamentally different was that the GDR portrayed itself as an anti-racist internationalist society; that the countries of origin of the labor migrants deducted a large portion of their earnings and never returned it when the “contract workers” (Vertragsarbeiter) were forced out after the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall; and that, consequently, the deported labor migrants often ended up living in poverty at the margins of their societies rather than reaping the benefits of their hard work in the GDR.