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Amongst patients with CHD, the time of transition to adulthood is associated with lapses in care leading to significant morbidity. The purpose of this study was to identify differences in perceptions between parents and teens in regard to transition readiness.
Responses were collected from 175 teen–parent pairs via the validated CHD Transition Readiness survey and an information request checklist. The survey was distributed via an electronic tablet at a routine clinic visit.
Parents reported a perceived knowledge gap of 29.2% (the percentage of survey items in which a parent believes their teen does not know), compared to teens self-reporting an average of 25.9% of survey items in which they feel deficient (p = 0.01). Agreement was lowest for long-term medical needs, physical activities allowed, insurance, and education. In regard to self-management behaviours, agreement between parent and teen was slight to moderate (weighted κ statistic = 0.18 to 0.51). For self-efficacy, agreement ranged from slight to fair (weighted κ = 0.16 to 0.28). Teens were more likely to request information than their parents (79% versus 65% requesting at least one item) particularly in regard to pregnancy/contraception and insurance.
Parents and teens differ in several key perceptions regarding knowledge, behaviours, and feelings related to the management of heart disease. Specifically, parents perceive a higher knowledge deficit, teens perceive higher self-efficacy, and parents and teens agree that self-management is low.
Among the many scholarly attempts to reckon with the causes and consequences of Donald Trump’s rise, few have attracted popular attention on the scale of Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt’s How Democracies Die. Seldom do books by political scientists make it onto the New York Times best sellers list, but this one has, a testament to its broad influence. Levitsky and Ziblatt situate Trumpism within a broader comparative and historical context in order to assess its similarities to and differences from democratic breakdowns elsewhere, particularly in Europe and Latin America. Their broad argument is that modern slides into authoritarianism are not the result of revolutions or military coups, but rather the consequence of a steady erosion of political norms and the assault on such fundamental democratic institutions as an independent judiciary and a free press. In short, contemporary democracies die not as a result of men with guns attacking from outside the system, but rather because elected leaders from inside that system slowly undermine them. Judged from this standpoint, the authors argue that American democracy is now in real danger, and they offer a range of suggestions for saving it. How convincing is Levitsky and Ziblatt’s analysis of democratic breakdown, and how well does it apply to the American case? How useful are the solutions that they offer for rescuing American democracy? We have asked a range of prominent scholars from across the discipline to consider these questions in the present symposium.
In the study of political knowledge, the emphasis on facts is misplaced. Evidence has grown that predispositions and social contexts shape how individuals are exposed to and interpret facts about politics, and the ready availability of information in the contemporary media environment may exacerbate these biases. We reexamine political knowledge from the bottom up. We look at what citizens themselves treat as relevant to the task of understanding public affairs and how they use this information. We draw upon our research in three different projects involving observation of political talk and elite interviews to do so. We observe that people across a range of levels of political engagement process political information through the lens of their personal experience. Failing to acknowledge this aspect of the act of using political information presents an incomplete empirical understanding of political knowledge. We propose an Expanded Model of Civic Competence that presents an alternative interpretation for what it means to be an informed citizen in a democracy. In this model, the competence of listening to and understanding the different lived experiences of others cannot be considered separately from levels of factual knowledge.
Higher education in the United States has proud roots in the mission to enable people to engage in self-governance. The current political context is pushing us in another direction. I discuss the context in Wisconsin in particular, and use the challenges there as a reason to consider the civic purposes of political science. Rather than allow the political winds to blow us further into elitism, I argue that we should renew our commitment to educating people for citizenship.
Why do people vote against their interests? Previous explanations miss something fundamental because they do not consider the work of group consciousness. Based on participant observation of conversations from May 2007 to May 2011 among 37 regularly occurring groups in 27 communities sampled across Wisconsin, this study shows that in some places, people have a class- and place-based identity that is intertwined with a perception of deprivation. The rural consciousness revealed here shows people attributing rural deprivation to the decision making of (urban) political elites, who disregard and disrespect rural residents and rural lifestyles. Thus these rural residents favor limited government, even though such a stance might seem contradictory to their economic self-interests. The results encourage us to consider the role of group consciousness-based perspectives rather than pitting interests against values as explanations for preferences. Also, the study suggests that public opinion research more seriously include listening to the public.
In 95 Theses Anne Norton picks a fight with conventional
political science. She asks conventional political science to use
different measures (indeed, conceptualize what we do as something other
than “measuring”), use different methods, and ask different
questions. Some may read this as a threat to an entire way of life. I read
it as an intriguing and exciting challenge.Katherine Cramer Walsh is Assistant Professor of Political
Science at University of Wisconsin-Madison (email@example.com). She
is the author of Talking about Politics: Informal Groups and Social
Identity in American Life (University of Chicago, 2004) and A
Practical Politics of Difference: Race, Community and Dialogue in Civic
Life (University of Chicago, forthcoming). Special thanks to Joe Soss
for extensive feedback and conversations on this essay.
This article calls into question the common claim that class identity does not matter for American political behaviour. Using panel-study data spanning thirty-two years and two generations, we investigate the effects of social-class identity on five participatory orientations towards government. As expected, working-class identifiers in both generations consistently display lower levels of involvement in politics than do middle-class identifiers. Significantly, however, these differences typically persist when the analysis controls for objective indicators of class and are always enhanced among those who retain the same class identity over time. Rather than sustaining a conclusion that class identification has little relevance for Americans, the results suggest that class may be particularly important in the present political context.
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