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This chapter discusses global challenges in English language teaching and teacher education and the local responses in the Philippines. It outlines the issues posed by globalization from two perspectives: (1) globalization as an "economic imperative" and (2) "critical resistance" against globalization as marginalizing local economic initiatives. It discusses the government’s responses to these issues, motivated by the need for the Philippines to be globally competitive, especially as part of a community of nations in the ASEAN. This chapter also discusses critical issues arising from the local responses to the challenges of globalization, which impact on English language teaching and teacher education in the Philippines: the competing proposals for the medium of instruction, the mixed attitudes toward English, the changing standards of English, and the expanding role of the English language teacher. Finally, it outlines important insights have been gained from these discussions that may inform policy making and professional practice.
Drawing on arguments found in international relations theory, this chapter explores Philippine nationalist resistance against imperial occupation in the late nineteenth century leading up to the Philippine–American War at the turn of the twentieth century. In particular, the chapter explores the transnational diffusion of liberal ideas among Philippine revolutionaries developed during the period of Spanish colonial rule. In hopes of securing their independence after the Spanish–American War, Filipino leaders quickly developed a constitution based on republican ideals, a legislative body, and a declaration of independence and national self-determination. Paradoxically, such ideas and actions remained unpersuasive to American policymakers. With the Treaty of Paris formally ending the war with Spain in 1898, the United States acquired its first overseas empire. In response, Filipinos resorted to guerilla warfare, drawing the United States into its “first Vietnam.”
The Philippines confirmed local transmission of COVID-19 on 7 March 2020. We described the characteristics and epidemiological time-to-event distributions for laboratory-confirmed cases in the Philippines recorded up to 29 April 2020 and followed until 22 May 2020. The median age of 8212 cases was 46 years (IQR 32–61), with 46.2% being female and 68.8% living in the National Capital Region. Health care workers represented 24.7% of all detected infections. Mean length of hospitalisation for those who were discharged or died were 16.00 days (95% CI 15.48–16.54) and 7.27 days (95% CI 6.59–8.24). Mean duration of illness was 26.66 days (95% CI 26.06–27.28) and 12.61 days (95% CI 11.88–13.37) for those who recovered or died. Mean serial interval was 6.90 days (95% CI 5.81–8.41). Epidemic doubling time prior to the enhanced community quarantine (ECQ; 11 February and 19 March) was 4.86 days (95% CI 4.67–5.07) and the reproductive number was 2.41 (95% CI 2.33–2.48). During the ECQ (20 March to 9 April), doubling time was 12.97 days (95% CI 12.57–13.39) and the reproductive number was 0.89 (95% CI 0.78–1.02).
Hookworms are some of the most widespread of the soil-transmitted helminths (STH) with an estimated 438.9 million people infected. Until relatively recently Ancylostoma ceylanicum was regarded as a rare cause of hookworm infection in humans, with little public health relevance. However, recent advances in molecular diagnostics have revealed a much higher prevalence of this zoonotic hookworm than previously thought, particularly in Asia. This study examined the prevalence of STH and A. ceylanicum in the municipalities of Palapag and Laoang in the Philippines utilizing real-time polymerase chain reaction (PCR) on stool samples previously collected as part of a cross-sectional survey of schistosomiasis japonica. Prevalence of hookworm in humans was high with 52.8% (n = 228/432) individuals positive for any hookworm, 34.5% (n = 149/432) infected with Necator americanus, and 29.6% (n = 128/432) with Ancylostoma spp; of these, 34 were PCR-positive for A. ceylanicum. Considering dogs, 12 (n = 33) were PCR-positive for A. ceylanicum. This is the first study to utilize molecular diagnostics to identify A. ceylanicum in the Philippines with both humans and dogs infected. Control and elimination of this zoonotic hookworm will require a multifaceted approach including chemotherapy of humans, identification of animal reservoirs, improvements in health infrastructure, and health education to help prevent infection.
The 2016 presidential contest is widely considered as the first “social media election” in the Philippines. At the same time, it remains unclear if or how social media helped Rodrigo Duterte mobilize voters to gain victory. There are three main social media campaigning models: broadcast, grassroots, and self-actualizing. Analysis of twenty million activities and 39,942 randomly sampled comments across the official Facebook pages of key presidential candidates supports the grassroots model as Duterte's profile was the most engaged, even if Duterte himself was not actively engaged. Such inconsistencies raise the prospect that Duterte's online prominance was fabricated by paid trolls and fake accounts. Instead, our analysis suggests that Duterte's digital fanbase was, at least in part, a reflection of offline, grassroots political support. In particular, data from an original survey of 621 respondents suggests that Duterte supporters were not only aggressive in their support for Duterte online, they were also more committed to him offline as well. These findings add to a growing literature on social media and politics that seeks to understand the broader ecosystem of online political discourse, rather than focusing on the actions and strategies of political campaigns. They also underscore the fine line between fabricated support and genuine political fervor.
In 1881, the southern Philippine archipelago of Sulu was plunged into an extended contest for the succession to its sultanate. With only a tentative peace established by 1894, tensions remained volatile between the districts of Patikul, Parang, Luuk, and Maimbung on the main island of Jolo. These tensions straddled coincided with the transition of the colonial regimes from the Spanish to the US regime in 1899. Therefore, the events of the early years of American rule, most often understood in the context of the American arrival and Spanish departure, were in fact intertwined with the prevailing conflict and rivalry between local candidates vying for the sultanate
Strategic use of international courts by weaker states becomes a mechanism by which African states have taken advantage of the ICC. This instrumental use of norms of international justice shows that the argument about justice cascade may not be as convincing as previously thought. The supposedly widespread adoption of norms of individual criminal accountability and prosecutions in the wake of massive violation of human rights may actually be symptomatic of an instrumental adoption. Chapter 7 analyzes other ICC situations (DRC, CAR, Mali, Sudan, Burundi, and the Philippines) and South Africa’s and The Gambia’s attempts to withdraw from the Court to highlight the ways in which these cases also support the arguments developed in this book’s analytical framework.
This chapter explores how the US court judgments and narratives in the Marcos case were mobilized in the Philippines. In the decade following the judgment on liability, victim organizations, elected officials, and the leftist press used the judgment to clarify the historical record and provide evidence of the extent of abuses under Marcos.In addition, when discussing the case, two leading Philippine newspapers offered a narrative about the Marcos regime much more challenging to both the US and to Filipino elites than that offered in US courts. The chapter also explores post-liability proceedings, and their conflict with the Philippine Republic’s policy of agrarian reform in the post-Marcos era. This conflict was resolved in 2013 through the enactment of a law providing reparations and recognition to victims of the Martial Law regime. Though the reparations law was initially conceived as a way to enforce the ATS judgment and was accordingly limited to narrow categories of abuse, following parliamentary debates its scope was extended to cover a broader range of victims whose stories are being recorded for the first time. In addition, the reparations legislation has triggered and strengthened various governmental and nongovernmental memory and official history projects. The chapter thus traces how in the move from the United States to the Philippines the meaning of the lawsuit was transformed to produce richer public narratives of repression under Marcos.
Chapter 13 completes the study of vaccine’s encirclement of the globe by examining its introduction in Mauritius, Cape Colony and New South Wales in 1804, Indonesia in 1804–5 and the Philippines and Canton (Guangzhou) in 1805. The seeding of vaccination around the Indian Ocean, in the southern latitudes and around the South China Sea reveals a complex pattern of movements, with vaccine from India brought to Mauritius and Cape Town, with carefully packed cowpox sent directly from London to Sydney and with Mexican boys going arm-to-arm with Filipinos. The spread of vaccination around this vast region rarely led to continuity of practice, except in European enclaves, in Mauritius and parts of the Indonesia and the Philippines, where enslaved or subject populations were available to maintain the vaccine supply. Vaccination nonetheless saved lives, helped to suppress smallpox in gateway cities, laid foundations on which the practice could be rebuilt and extended and show-cased the benefits and costs of colonial medicine.
Research on sensitive topics uses a variety of methods to combat response bias on in-person surveys. Increasingly, researchers allow respondents to self-administer responses using electronic devices as an alternative to more complicated experimental approaches. Using an experiment embedded in a survey in the rural Philippines, we test the effects of several such methods on response rates and falsification. We asked respondents a sensitive question about reporting insurgents to the police alongside a nonsensitive question about school completion. We randomly assigned respondents to answer these questions either verbally, through a “forced choice” experiment, or through self-enumeration. We find that self-enumeration significantly reduced nonresponse compared to direct questioning, but find little evidence of differential rates of falsification. Forced choice yielded highly unlikely estimates, which we attribute to nonstrategic falsification. These results suggest that self-administered surveys can be effective for measuring sensitive topics on surveys when response rates are a priority.
This article reconstructs the American career of the Manila-born author Ramon Reyes Lala. Lala became a naturalized United States citizen shortly before the War of 1898 garnered public interest in the history and geography of the Philippines. He capitalized on this interest by fashioning himself into an Oxford-educated nationalist exiled in the United States for his anti-Spanish activism, all the while hiding a South Asian background. Lala's spirited defense of American annexation and war earned him the political patronage of the Republican Party. Yet though Lala offered himself as a ‘model’ Philippine-American citizen, his patrons offered Lala as evidence of U.S. benevolence and Philippine civilization potential shorn of citizenship. His embodied contradictions, then, extended to his position as a producer of colonial knowledge, a racialized commodity, and a representative Filipino in the United States when many in the archipelago would not recognize him as such. Lala's advocacy for American Empire, I contend, reflected an understanding of nationality born of diasporic merchant communities, while his precarious success in the middle-class economy of print and public speaking depended on his deft maneuvering between modalities of power hardening in terms of race. His career speaks more broadly to the entwined and contradictory processes of commerce, race formation, and colonial knowledge production.
The Philippines stands out as the first and longest democracy in Southeast Asia. However, except for elections, democracy in the Philippines is a low quality or ‘defective democracy’. In this chapter, we first empirically document the low quality of Philippine democracy. We then advance an argument that explains the pathological condition of Philippine democracy in terms of the fecklessness of its core institutional structures. This institutional weakness can be explained by two significant historical-structural factors: the sequencing of the advent of electoral democracy vis-a-vis the building of the state and the absence of social cleavages in the Philippines. The advent of electoral democracy in the Philippines prior to any effort to build a functioning, autonomous and rationalized bureaucratic state has effectively created favorable conditions for traditional oligarchs to dominate state structures since the American colonial days. The fact that social cleavages never became articulated into the party system has further led to the creation of political parties as clientelistic shells, devoid of any substantive, programmatic agenda that would serve the public good.
The Philippines signed the Rome Statute on 28 December 2000, adopted legislation to incorporate international crimes into domestic law in 2009, ratified the Rome Statute in 2011, and withdrew in 2018 (effective in March 2019). Institutional developments, the passage of laws, and public statements by Philippine leaders in the past indicated support for (and implementation of) the norm of international criminal justice. However, the lack of enforcement of the Philippines’ international crimes legislation and events since President Rodrigo Duterte took office suggest that the government of the Philippines has certainly not accepted the norm of international criminal justice. Rather, debate continues. This chapter outlines the ongoing saga of international criminal justice in the Philippines. It then explores how government and civil society actors have used their experiences and initiative to debate the laws and institutions for investigating and prosecuting alleged international crimes in the Philippines. The chapter analyses the key features of these mechanisms, which continue to be discussed and developed. It shows how approaches to international criminal justice in the Philippines have involved dynamic interactions and adaptation.
This chapter explores the ways in which blue-and-white porcelains travelled away from their site of production in Jingdezhen, into new cultural contexts, where they acquired new meanings and values. In that process, this chapter argues, the blue-and-white porcelains retained a certain distinctiveness: their attraction and high value was in part to do with the fact that they were associated with a remote site of production, and a cultural context that was different from their new environment. Their value was in some ways determined by the fact that they were exotic and different, but their difference did not prevent them from becoming part of a new cultural context. They became embedded into new localities, where they acquired specifically local meaning and significance. The evidence is drawn from a fourteenth-century manuscript in Bagdad, a ritual manual from fifteenth-century Korea, a shipwreck in the Philippines, and an Italian Renaissance painting. The combination of exotic distinctiveness and local significance underscores again that the story of porcelain is an intertwined story of global and local meaning.
Tuberculosis (TB) in children is a critical public health issue. In Bohol, Philippines, we found a high tuberculin skin test (TST)-positive prevalence (weighted prevalence = 6.4%) among 5476 children (<15 years) from 184 villages, with geographically isolated communities having prevalence as high as 29%. Therefore, we conducted a geospatial and hot spot analysis to examine the association between villages with high TST-positive prevalence (⩾6.5%) and access to medical care (distance (in kilometres and minutes of travel time) to the municipal Rural Health Units (RHU)), access to healthcare resources (distance to Provincial Health Office (PHO)) and socioeconomic determinants of health. Hot spot analysis revealed significant clusters of TST-positive prevalence in villages farthest from the PHO. Based on univariate analysis, the following variables associated with high prevalence were included in the multivariate model: minutes of travel time to the PHO, distance to the PHO, island villages and total deprivation based on socioeconomic indicators. In the final model, only distance to PHO in minutes was significant (P = 0.005). When evaluated further, greater than 1-hour drive significantly increased risk for TST-positivity (P = 0.003). Distance to healthcare resources likely increases the risk of TB transmission within the community. Expanding TB control efforts to geographically isolated areas is critical.
This chapter explores the mutually constitutive relationship between the emergence of “penal populism” in fledgling democracies such as the Philippines, on one hand, and the erosion of democratic values and institutional protection of as well as societal respect for human rights, on the other. It contextualizes this phenomenon within the broader landscape of democratic retreat across “emerging market democracies” – namely rapidly growing economies with a relatively robust democratic tradition and, at least, more than a decade of competitive electoral practice – where growing dissatisfaction with unresponsive democratic institutions due to bureaucratic paralysis has gone hand in hand with the resurgence of so-called Asian values. The chapter argues that the rise of Filipino strongman Rodrigo Duterte is not only reflective of a systemic deadlock within Philippine democracy, but also the upshot of a worldwide backlash against enlightenment values. The way forward requires structural reforms in the penal system, not only to ensure the proper dispensation of justice, but also to revive public confidence in and support for due process and human rights.
This chapter provides a detailed account of the backlash against unions in Jokowi’s first term in office and some reflections on the lessons that can be learned from the Indonesian case. These lessons include the importance of geographic and institutional factors in allowing the labor movement to mobilize on a massive scale despite its low density and high levels of fragmentation, the role of the broader regime context in creating a political climate conducive for advancing a labor agenda through street politics, and the conditions under which decentralization can offer new opportunities for unions to pursue prolabor policies at the local level. However, they also include the ways in which the Indonesian labor movement’s diffuse, networked forms of power constitute a distinctive type of unionism, one that can compensate for weakness on classic measures of union strength.
Chapter 8 studies the record of macroeconomic and financial crises, high inflation episodes, currency collapses, political crises, and collapses of democracy in Latin America and the financial crises and recession episodes in East Asian economies in the period 1970–2015. The chapter focuses on countries – such as Argentina and Venezuela – with high incidence of growth, inflation, and political crises, and also examines the cases of Chile and Mexico. The chapter examines the effects of the East Asian crisis of 1997–98 on Korea, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Malaysia (the Asia-5 countries) and compares its impact on China, Vietnam, Singapore, and Hong Kong. The chapter offers a discussion on a wide variety of crisis and stabilization occurrences in a comparative perspective, highlighting economic and political economy factors.
Especially in his later years, Twain became an outspoken critic of American nationalism and American and European colonialism. The Spanish-American War and atrocities in the Philippines led him to begin making public comments about imperialism. He was a member of the leading anti-imperialism society, and polemics like King Leopold’s Soliloquy were widely distributed and read. Twain’s increasingly bitter and satiric comments about imperialism lost him some readers but gained him the respect of many around the world.
Novel tools for early diagnosis and monitoring of schistosomiasis are urgently needed. This study aimed to validate parasite-derived miRNAs as potential novel biomarkers for the detection of human Schistosoma japonicum infection. A total of 21 miRNAs were initially validated by real-time-polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) using serum samples of S. japonicum-infected BALB/c mice. Of these, 6 miRNAs were further validated with a human cohort of individuals from a schistosomiasis-endemic area of the Philippines. RT-PCR analysis showed that two parasite-derived miRNAs (sja-miR-2b-5p and sja-miR-2c-5p) could detect infected individuals with low infection intensity with moderate sensitivity/specificity values of 66%/68% and 55%/80%, respectively. Analysis of the combined data for the two parasite miRNAs revealed a specificity of 77.4% and a sensitivity of 60.0% with an area under the curve (AUC) value of 0.6906 (P = 0.0069); however, a duplex RT-PCR targeting both sja-miR-2b-5p and sja-miR-2c-5p did not result in an increased diagnostic performance compared with the singleplex assays. Furthermore, the serum level of sja-miR-2c-5p correlated significantly with faecal egg counts, whereas the other five miRNAs did not. Targeting S. japonicum-derived miRNAs in serum resulted in a moderate diagnostic performance when applied to a low schistosome infection intensity setting.