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In the early years of the Cold War, important debates took place on the nature and scope of both slavery and forced labour. The adoption of the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery in 1956 and the vote on the Convention on the Abolition of Forced Labour in 1957 were preceded by long and heated discussions within key international bodies such as the United Nations Social and Economic Council (‘ECOSOC’) and the International Labour Organization (‘ILO’). Yet, conventional legal histories tend to minimise these debates on the ground that they relate to the ‘political context’ of the Cold War. What is more, they tend to present the adoption of the two conventions as building blocks of the abolitionary project pursued by modern international law. My aim in this chapter is to destabilise such linear narratives. Focusing on the issue of forced labour, I will make five points.
Transnational social movements are social organisations and processes that reach across borders to unite social movements. They are a likely platform for civil resistance, understood as organised but non-violent resistance to injustice that steps outside the realm of accepted political discourse. This is highly contextual. The labour movement in the Global North, for example, does not regularly engage in civil resistance because it operates within liberal democratic norms, while in the Global South trade unionism often carries with it extreme risks.
Transnational social movements are potential sources of solidarity amongst the global poor. This because they generate solidarity amongst distant strangers. This is not solidarity derived from abstract political principles, but derived from the shared experience of oppression. This shared experience need not be uniform; it is necessarily diverse.
The chapter looks at two test cases, the labour movement and indigenous rights movement, as examples of just-seeking and injustice-evading resistance. It concludes by examining criticism that civil resistance does not capture the urgency of global poverty.
Taking SDG 5 seriously in relation to forests brings to the forefront what is usually taken for granted in forest debates: people, their relationships to one another and to the forests that determine forest outcomes. In this chapter, we bring to light the invisible labour and relations that underpin good forest management. We show how systemic and contextual factors such as health, gender-based violence and unpaid care work by forest peoples in the forests and outside are crucial to the welfare of forests and forest dependent peoples. So far, little progress has been made in implementing SDG5 targets within forestry. Political will is needed to transform unequal relationships and to support demands for forest justice. There is a need to challenge privilege based on sex, class, ethnicity or caste and to destabilize inequitable micro- and macro-economic structures such as commodification and support democratic forest governance to work towards greater sustainability. It is also important to keep in mind that well-intentioned efforts, such as gender programmes can have adverse effects if not cognisant of contextual power relations. The welfare and dignity that achieving SDG 5 would bring to forest peoples and livelihoods is essential to ensuring better managed and sustainable forests.
What governs labour force participation in later life and why is it so different across countries? Health and labour force participation in older ages are not strongly linked, but we observe a large variation across countries in old-age labour force participation. This points to the important role of country-specific regulations governing pension receipt and old-age labour force participation. In addition to the statutory eligibility age for a pension, such country-specific regulations include: earnings tests that limit the amount of earnings when pension benefits are received; the amount of benefit deductions for early retirement; the availability of part-time pensions before normal retirement; special regulations that permit early retirement for certain population groups; and either subsidies or extra costs for employers if they keep older employees in their labour force. This paper asks two questions: Can we link a relatively low labour force participation at ages 60–64 to country-specific regulations that make early retirement attractive? and Can we link a relatively high labour force participation at ages 65–74 to country-specific regulations that make late retirement attractive? To answer these questions, we compared the experiences in a set of developed countries around the world in order to understand better the impact of country-specific rules and laws on work and retirement behaviour at older ages and, by consequence, on the financial sustainability of pension systems.
Having experienced the Tokyo subway sarin attack in 1995, Japan has established extremely strict rules on handling injured victims before they are sent to a hospital. As a result, it takes a long time before rescue actions are taken. This report aims to propose a reform to change the system that focuses on saving lives.
First, the issues in firefighting on sites that currently present problems in Japan were identified. Then, Japanese guidelines were compared with those that were considered in other countries. Based on this, an ideal way of running rescue operations was examined, and a proposal to save many lives was made. This research was conducted with funding from the Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare of Japan (MHLW; Chiyoda, Tokyo, Japan).
In addition to preventing secondary injuries, the temporal aspect of rescuing people early with the clear goal of saving many lives was emphasized. Priority was given to measures against nerve agents to prevent secondary injuries, which put the rescuers’ lives at risk. Possible decontamination methods were pursued before choosing the one that was most appropriate. A linear algorithm was used to determine which decontamination method could be started immediately, and then the gradual use of equipment was recommended. Even if Level A personal protective equipment (PPE) and other dedicated equipment and materials cannot be procured, the possibility of starting rescue activities under certain condition using regular equipment was pointed out. The need for a system for possible victims who would require support, such as foreigners, the handicapped, and elderly people, was also identified. Japan limits the scope of activities that can be undertaken by emergency medical technicians (EMTs) on-site. The way in which on-site medical care can be provided with future legal revisions in mind was also discussed.
There is an urgent need to build a framework in which rescue activities can take place so that the number of deaths would not rise, even if sarin and other poisons are scattered.
This chapter investigates the ways in which neoliberal transformations in Kenya have been gendered and how those processes have contributed to increasing gendered precarity. It treats changes in formal economic structures together with informal dynamics to demonstrate the gendered outcomes of neoliberal reforms. First, it interrogates the ways in which the restructuring of the economy since the 1990s has had different effects on men's and women’s positions in the labour markets. The decreasing male ability to earn money and the ways in which these processes have affected informal safety nets are discussed before moving on to explore new ways in which women have been targeted for certain jobs because of their cheap labour. Second, the chapter focuses on a specific disadvantaged group of women – those who fall through the cracks in the informal safety nets and struggle to make a living – to demonstrate the gendered, informal and precarious nature of jobs available to women in such situations, with sex work as one of the alternatives. Finally, the chapter turns to demonstrate the ways in which neoliberal economy and society relies on such gendered precarity and the income generated in this way for social reproduction.
Chapter 3 interrogates the diverse gender roles that women adopt (that of wife, informal wife, mistress, lover, sex worker) to depend on male income, in order to argue that commercial sex is at one extreme end of a such range of survival options. Concentrating on interviewees’ life stories, the first part of the chapter illustrates the different attempts of women to depend on a male income through reproductive labour – both in the informal economic sector and in the domestic sphere. The analysis points to the tensions in the traditionally available options of such dependency in the era of neoliberal transformations, and the difficulties that women face when attempting to pressure men into living up to their obligations. The role of sex workers’ perceptions and assumptions about men and their desires that are the basis for women’s performative gender roles are analysed in the second part of the chapter.
The HIV/AIDS epidemic in Southern Africa is perhaps the world’s deadliest. Again, despite highly contrasting responses by the national governments of South African and Botswana respectively, there were significant similarities in how the private sector actors in these two countries responded to that epidemic. While many (if not most) firms provided little by way of a constructive response to the epidemic, a number of high-profile firms, notably within the mining and financial subsectors, rolled out a variety of remarkably constructive responses to the epidemic, programmes that at their most comprehensive included the provision of free antiretroviral drugs to their staff, and support for broader societal initiatives to combat the epidemic.
From the Great Leap Forward (GLF) of 1958–1960 onwards, China's urban neighbourhood workshops and services mostly hired women. The GLF marked the beginning of a large-scale and irreversible trend towards near universal employment of women in China's cities. By the end of the Mao era, about 42 per cent of women working in industry were employed in “collectives” that were largely developed from urban neighbourhood industry. This article takes Shanghai as a case study to examine this type of employment for women in China. It documents the origin and development of the institution, explores the nuances of state–labour interactions at its site, and argues that as far as the enduring effects of women's participation in the workforce are concerned, the disastrous GLF was indeed the initiator and in this respect may well be seen as a blessing in disguise.
Body size is an important life-history trait in eusocial insects which plays a key role in colony fitness. The division of labour, represented by caste polyethism, correlates with divergent morphological traits. Size polymorphism has been noted in the tropical fire ant, Solenopsis geminata; however, little is known regarding the differences in the size distributions of workers performing foraging tasks. In the present study, task partitioning was observed in the foraging activities of S. geminata. Two subgroups among foraging workers of S. geminata were discovered using the Gaussian mixture model: a large worker group (head width ≥ 0.924 mm) and a small worker group (head width < 0.924 mm). The foraging worker population comprised two distinct groups – 25.64% were large workers and 74.36% were small workers. Larger workers delivered heavier seeds faster than smaller workers, but this difference became less apparent when lighter seeds were being carried. When large prey such as crickets was encountered during foraging, S. geminata partitioned their tasks into cutting and transportation. The large workers were observed to cut cricket prey into fragments with their longer mandibles, and the small workers then transported these fragments back to the nest. These results present evidence of task partitioning among tropical fire ants, with different tasks being performed by ants of different castes.
Captain Charles Mills was captured at Fromelles on the morning of 20 July 1916. At first light, German soldiers showered his position with grenades before rushing in from the flanks, firing their rifles from the hip. A German NCO stopped his men on the parapet, jumped into the waterlogged ditch and seized Mills by his wounded hand. ‘Why did you not put up your hands, officer?’ he asked. As the fighting came to an end, Mills and the surviving members of the 31st Battalion were escorted along a communication trench to a farmhouse the Germans called Neuhof. In the courtyard there, they joined three officers and 200 other ranks in what was evidently a collecting station for prisoners of war. A German medical officer took care of the walking wounded, and Mills had his hand cleaned and bandaged. What happened next altered German knowledge of British intentions in the Fromelles area.
Emotional influence not only depends on a person’s group membership, but also on their particular position within the group’s structured interpersonal relations. When the group is part of a wider organisation, additional regulatory regimes may constrain or afford particular forms of emotional conduct. This chapter focuses on how work roles shape emotion communication and regulation. Team leaders’ emotions can set the emotional tone of work-groups, encouraging solidarity and common purpose. In the service sector, clients and customers impose different kinds of emotional demand on employees. Workers whose jobs involve interacting with consumers present the company’s outward face, and are encouraged to regulate their emotional presentations accordingly (emotional labour). Caring professionals need to manage the potential personal costs of empathising with clients undergoing potentially devastating life changes. In all of these cases, employees’ emotions influence and are influenced by the people they deal with in their working lives.
Migration was a crucial component of the spatially uneven formation of labour markets and export-oriented economies in colonial Africa. Much of this mobility was initiated by migrants themselves rather than by colonial authorities. Building on analytical concepts from economic history and migration theory, this study explains the changing composition and magnitude of one such uncontrolled migration flow, from Ruanda-Urundi to Buganda. Migrants’ mobility choices – when to migrate, for how long, and with whom – proved highly responsive to shifting economic opportunity structures on the sending and receiving ends. Initially, large differences in terms of land and labour endowments, socio-economic structures, and colonial interventions, combined with substantial scope for price arbitrage, created large spatial inequalities of opportunity and strong incentives for circular male labour migration. Over time, however, migration contracted as opportunities in Ruanda-Urundi and Uganda converged, not in the least as a result of large-scale mobility itself.
Chapter 1 sets out the project of the book: to understand how medieval lords came to be able to appropriate the labour of peasants, something that was not fully achieved until after the Norman Conquest. This chronology can partly be explained by the fact that the rural economy of Anglo-Saxon England, which produced little surplus, imposed restraints on the extent to which lords were able to exploit peasants. While those working on the ‘inlands’, the most highly exploited sectors of lordships, were virtual serfs, the peasantry of the ‘warland’ which owed public burdens, were free members of the polity. The book suggests that changes in this situation can be sought in the ‘moral economy’. This term, used by Edward Thompson and James Scott , stands for the structure of values which all members of a society believed should govern their dealings with one another. Rank, reciprocity and reputation are selected as particularly important values and the chapter outlines how they will be followed up. The concepts of ‘peasants’, ‘feudal’ and ‘feudal revolution’ are discussed with reference to the work of Susan Reynolds and Chris Wickham and the chapter ends with remarks on the cultural context of some of our most trusted works of reference: dictionaries.
This chapter argues that reciprocity was built into the moral economy of the family farm. It is central to the moral economy of the peasant household that its members constitute the labour force for the farm. Without the produce of the farm the household would starve, without the work of the household the farm could not produce food. Households of all kinds centred on hearths. Having a hearth of one’s own was a crucial signifier of status: to be ‘hearth-fast’ entitled a person, however poor, to a place in the public world and subject to its obligations. The hearth, with its fire alight, was long taken to symbolise the ownership of land and to bring entitlement to a share in one of the most valuable resources of a rural community: rights to pasture and the family farm was the basis of the measuring unit the ‘hide’. The domestic economy had its own hierarchy in which a lord is a hlaford a ‘loaf-keeper’, a lady a hlædige , a ‘loaf-kneader’and to be someone’s ‘loaf-eater’ was to be their dependant, but one with an entitlement to protection: such people were the ‘boarders’, the bordarii , of Domesday Book. Passing on the farm within the family was as vital to peasant society as inheriting family land was to the elite.