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Supporters of the Republican Party have become much more skeptical of the science of climate change since the 1990s. This article argues that out-group cues from Democratic elites caused a backlash that resulted in greater climate skepticism. The authors construct aggregate measures of climate skepticism from nearly 200 public opinion polls at the quarterly level from 2001 to 2014 and at the annual level from 1986 to 2014. They also build time-series measures of possible contributors to climate skepticism using an automated media content analysis. The analyses provide evidence that cues from party elites – especially from Democrats – are associated with aggregate dynamics in climate change skepticism, including among supporters of the Republican Party. The study also involves a party cue survey experiment administered to a sample of 3,000 Americans through Amazon Mechanical Turk to provide more evidence of causality. Together, these results highlight the importance of out-group cue taking and suggest that climate change skepticism should be examined through the lens of elite-led opinion formation.
In this study we investigated 1) the changes in anxiety, depression and denial from admission to discharge in patients admitted to the intensive care unit following an acute myocardial infarction and 2) the effect of smoking habits, time lapsed from the appearance of symptoms to seeking help behavior, presence of a person that motivated the patient to seek help, previous myocardial infarction (MI) and family history of MI, on these changes. The results indicated that 1) the levels of both anxiety and depression increased from admission to discharge, while denial decreased; 2) positive family history of MI was associated with lower difference of denial between admission and discharge.
This article was originally published in the November/December 2018 issue of the Journal of Criminal Justice as a “Special Issue on the Study of Ethnicity and Race in Criminology and Criminal Justice,” addressing a target article by the psychologist James Flynn on “Academic Freedom and Race,” dealing with the always-controversial topic of racial group differences in IQ scores. The subject of this issue is not the IQ test and whether or not group differences are real (and if they are, what the cause of those differences might be). Instead we were tasked with thinking about to what extent scientists and scholars (and anyone else) should be free to inquire into the matter and, especially, if they should be free to report their findings and opinions, regardless of the political or cultural implications.
This essay was originally published as an Opinion Editorial in the <italic>Los Angeles Times</italic> as “Free Speech, Even if it Hurts” on February 22, 2006. It was in response to the news that Holocaust denier David Irving, whom I wrote about in my co-authored 2000 book (with Alex Grobman) <italic>Denying History</italic> (2nd edition 2009), had been sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in Austria for violating one of their “hate crime” laws, a misguided, impractical and, in my opinion, immoral attempt to combat hate speech with censorship (and punishment) rather than with free speech. Unbidden and unbeknownst to him, before Irving’s sentencing, I wrote a letter to the judge along the lines of what I argue here, asking not just for leniency in his sentencing but for Irving’s freedom. I have no idea if the judge ever read my letter, and unfortunately I no longer seem to have a copy of it in my archives. That Irving was arrested at the airport in Austria well before he was scheduled to deliver his speech means that this was worse than an assault on free speech; it was an assault on free thought – literally a thought crime. How Orwellian.
Using Ernest Becker’s The Denial of Death, chapter 3 describes “immortality projects” that are commonly used to avoid the terror of death. Immortality projects are activities that we humans regard as endowing cosmic significance and eternal life on us, including both publicly recognized projects and everyday, quotidian undertakings. None of these “one-dimensional” immortality projects work, Becker states. We die despite our efforts to cast ourselves as immortal. The terror of death, however, is so great that we lie to ourselves about the ineffectiveness of our immortality projects. Becker says that these lies are “vital,” given that death with extinction is so terrifying. It is terrifying because we humans desperately need to believe that our lives have lasting meaning. The only true way to deal with the prospect of death, Becker states, is to “die” and be “reborn” by identifying with what he calls “the transcendent.” Chapter 3 describes what is involved in this rebirth.
The topic of marijuana addiction is emotionally charged. The two aspects of addiction—withdrawal symptoms unique to marijuana and alterations in the brain’s reward mechanism common to all addictive drugs—must be approached separately. THC’s stimulation of CB1 receptors causes a homeostatic reduction of receptor density, called downregulation. When THC stimulation wanes, the resultant relative lack of receptors leads to a transient deficiency of endocannabinoid activity. Hirnoven found a 20% reduction in endocannabinoid receptors in the cortex of individuals regularly using marijuana requiring 4 weeks of abstinence to be reversed. The effects of cannabinoid deficiency outlined by Budney include withdrawal symptoms of restlessness, anxiety, insomnia, boredom and irritability. Relapse to marijuana use often occurs to abort withdrawal symptoms. The influx of dopamine in the reward center (nucleus accumbens) caused by excessive cannabinoid stimulation is the sine qua non for addiction and leads to a neurologically based increase in the salience of marijuana. Modification of reward mechanisms increases the motivation to use marijuana to the point that cognitive rationality is clouded and denial is produced.
Most people who use marijuana enjoy the experience and are going about their lives effectively. But there are others who crash and burn, or at least smolder, especially those in early adolescence. The largest community focused on concern for a loved one’s harmful involvement with alcohol and other drugs is found in Al-Anon Family Groups, which focus on maintaining understanding of the drug-induced neurologically-based salience of marijuana for their loved one and feeling compassion for their addiction. Al-Anon embodies the principle that we are powerless to force an addict to think differently, though we can educate ourselves about addiction, encourage them toward health, present factual information and reflect reality for them. We can learn nonjudgmental ways to respond to their denial, myths and rationalizations. Parental authority also stems from parental integrity – living a life that embodies what you hope children will learn. When adolescents refuse to stop using marijuana despite their parents’ firm insistence, a process of contracting for privileges and consequences can be useful.
One of the most striking features of arbitral practice over the past three decades has been how old problems have continued to arise in new guises. This is particularly apparent with the problem of States’ various attempts to negate arbitration, and whether denial of justice may be invoked to confront that practice. This issue is considered in the second chapter of this book. The practice since the time of the first edition of this book underscores that governmental evasion and negation of arbitration can take a number of forms. Arbitral tribunals, and in particular those constituted under bilateral investment treaties, have responded to new attempts at governmental negation of arbitration. The question today is not only whether a State’s refusal to arbitrate may constitute a denial of justice, but whether a State’s attempt to negate arbitration—by, for example, improperly setting aside an international award—may constitute a compensable expropriation of property rights, a breach of fair and equitable treatment, or another breach of an investment treaty.
‘Discourses of climate delay’ pervade current debates on climate action. These discourses accept the existence of climate change, but justify inaction or inadequate efforts. In contemporary discussions on what actions should be taken, by whom and how fast, proponents of climate delay would argue for minimal action or action taken by others. They focus attention on the negative social effects of climate policies and raise doubt that mitigation is possible. Here, we outline the common features of climate delay discourses and provide a guide to identifying them.
In 1972, a localised rebellion against the Tutsi-dominated state triggered a ‘selective’ genocide against the Hutu population. This chapter considers the actions and representations of the rebellion, then examines the phases of genocidal repression: massacres in the areas affected by the rebellion, the elimination of prominent politicians, and the decentralised arrest and disappearance of key individuals across the countryside. It explores the processes of legal triage that authorised the murder of civilians through the categorisation of suspicious classes of local intellectuals, teachers, priests and successful traders. It devotes special attention to the role of the youth league in the local repression, partly captured by the control of information and the bureaucratisation of violence. It then considers the different faces of truth in violence: total state denial, the use of frank truth as hopeless protest, the lingering possibilities of loyalty to official truth, and the construction of new truths in the aftermath. The chapter ends with the popular renditions of a postcolonial order, in the nature of violent authority and ethnic community, as being revealed through violence.
Little has been written about the Hispanic Americans who voted for Donald Trump. Despite his comments about Mexicans and immigrants, data suggest that Trump performed as well or better than Mitt Romney among Hispanic voters. Using the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, this paper examines Hispanic support for Trump by looking at traditional predictors of vote choice such as party identification and ideology, as well as a novel measure of racism: denial of racism. This paper finds that, like non-Hispanic Whites, Hispanics higher in denial of racism were more likely to vote Trump in 2016, as well as for Romney in the 2012 election. In addition, denial of racism is the strongest predictor of support for Trump among Hispanics, above even party identification and ideology. This suggests that while Trump’s rhetoric may not appeal to most Hispanic voters, it strongly appeals to those that hold disproportionately high levels of denial of racism. I offer some theoretical reasons for these findings and discuss the role that denial of racism plays in predicting voting behavior.
Boris Cyrulnik is a neuropsychiatrist who is known in France for having developed and popularized the concept of resilience. Born to a Jewish family in Bordeaux in 1937, he lost both his parents during the Second World War and, at the age of 6, escaped deportation himself by hiding during a round-up of Jews organized by the Nazis. His recollections of that event, forty years after the end of the war, provided the foundations for a reflection on post-war traumatic memory. In this interview for the Review, he talks about the relationship between memory, trauma and resilience, both at an individual and a collective level.
This article assesses the causes of the crisis of detention in Latin America. It is argued that this crisis, which manifests itself in overpopulation of the region's prison systems, deficient infrastructure, prison informality and violence propelled ultimately by political processes, is mostly related to, on the one hand, disastrous human rights conditions inside Latin American prisons, and on other, the political denial of these conditions. This denial produces a state of institutional abandonment that is preserved by the interests of politicians and bureaucrats, who are engaged in denying prison violence and human rights abuses while simultaneously calling for more punishment and imprisonment.
L’étude porte sur des constructions à interprétation adversative du français, articulées par et, comme John a un doctorat en linguistique et il ne sait ni lire ni écrire. Dans un premier temps, on caractérise le concept d’attente trompée et on illustre l’effet de surprise qui en découle. Dans un second temps, on étudie les raisons qui président à l’ordonnancement contraint des énonciations. On verra qu’il s’agit d’une manœuvre rhétorique ordonnée, procédant en deux temps: d’abord l’ouverture d’une attente forte, puis le déni de cette attente. Cela montre que ce ne sont pas des constructions totalement symétriques. On verra également qu’il y a très peu d’asyndètes (John a un doctorat en linguistique, il ne sait ni lire ni écrire) — avec la même interprétation adversative: ce sont des constructions massivement connectées par et.
The Romanian Academy (and much of the country's historical establishment) is packed with Holocaust deniers and trivializers, many of whom indulge in Holocaust obfuscation against the background of the post-Communist “competitive martyrdom” between the victims of the Holocaust and the Gulag. Quite a few of these deniers and trivializers are also former secret police informers. On closer examination, however, it turns out that explaining the reluctance to face the country's “dark past” as being the independent variable resultant of the post “Romanianization” of the Communist Party and its Securitate is a partial explanation at best. A substantially more convincing one might be provided by scrutinizing the phenomenon as the product of post-mnemonic cultural traumas.
This article revisits the core difficulties with the international delict known as a denial of justice and, drawing insights from philosophical writing on adjudication, offers novel solutions to three principal issues: (a) the scope of the acts and omissions that can form the predicate conduct for a denial of justice; (b) the proper threshold for liability in respect of those acts or omissions; (c) the relationship between denial of justice and other international norms impacting upon domestic adjudication. The article concludes with a restatement of the law of denial of justice.
Opioids are the mainstay of treatment for moderate to severe cancer pain. The variations in average monthly cost can make it difficult for most patients to procure them without adequate insurance coverage. There are increasing numbers of denials of payment and statements made by insurance agents and other sources regarding inappropriate opioid use, resulting in severe pain and emotional distress for cancer patients and their families. This case series describes five events where the insurer was a major barrier to opioid access.
Health-related data provide the basis of policy in many domains. By using a methodology specifically designed to gather data about any form of violence and its impact, violence affecting health-care personnel, health-care facilities, and the wounded and sick in these facilities can be quantified on an objective basis. The impact of this form of violence and its accompanying insecurity goes beyond those directly affected to the many who are ultimately denied health care. Reliable data about both the violence affecting health-care personnel and facilities and the ‘knock-on’ effects of this violence on the health of many others have a critical role to play in influencing the policies of all stakeholders, including governments, in favour of greater security of effective and impartial health care in armed conflict and other emergencies. The International Committee of the Red Cross has undertaken a study that attempts to understand on a global basis the nature and impact of the many different kinds of violence affecting health care.