To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure email@example.com
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
In industrialized societies unions have traditionally played a key role in regulating the employment relationship and protecting against an unfettered commodification and exploitation of labour. Such exploitation was perceived to pose a threat to workers’ fundamental rights to participate as citizens (Bosch, 2004; Standing, 2011). This was largely achieved through the mechanisms of collective bargaining and industrial action, and by lobbying for a floor of rights for workers in the forms of protective legislation.
However, the ability of unions to effectively represent workers (especially through collective bargaining) has been weakened considerably since the 1960s. There has been a combined shift towards globalism, austerity and neoliberalism, exemplified by a rise in liberal market economies (LMEs), of which ‘freeing up’ of labour markets is a core tenet (Fudge, 2005). LMEs typically adopt labour-market policies that are characterized by a decrease in political support for collective representation of workers and minimal regulation or deregulation of the employment relationship. In tandem with (and probably influenced by) the change to regulatory systems and a weakening of union power, there has been a shift away from the standard employment relationship (SER) (Broughton et al, 2016). The SER is essentially a conceptualization of a traditional model of permanent, fulltime, continuous employment (Arnold and Bongiovi, 2013); however, while this model remains dominant in many countries and employment systems, it is widely accepted that the SER is being steadily eroded. What is emerging in its place is a wide range of alternative or non-standard forms of work (Bobeck et al, 2018) that are much more flexible and fragmented in temporal terms. Examples include zero-hours work, gig work and lowhours contracts. According to the European Commission (2017), upwards of 6 million people in the EU are working on an intermittent and ondemand basis. Research indicates that such work has been associated with higher levels of precarity (Kalleberg, 2009; Burgess et al, 2013).
In Ireland, as in other countries, the trade union movement has experienced a steady decline in density (particularly in the private sector) (CSO, 2019).
Late-life depression (LLD) is associated with poor social functioning. However, previous research uses bias-prone self-report scales to measure social functioning and a more objective measure is lacking. We tested a novel wearable device to measure speech that participants encounter as an indicator of social interaction.
Twenty nine participants with LLD and 29 age-matched controls wore a wrist-worn device continuously for seven days, which recorded their acoustic environment. Acoustic data were automatically analysed using deep learning models that had been developed and validated on an independent speech dataset. Total speech activity and the proportion of speech produced by the device wearer were both detected whilst maintaining participants' privacy. Participants underwent a neuropsychological test battery and clinical and self-report scales to measure severity of depression, general and social functioning.
Compared to controls, participants with LLD showed poorer self-reported social and general functioning. Total speech activity was much lower for participants with LLD than controls, with no overlap between groups. The proportion of speech produced by the participants was smaller for LLD than controls. In LLD, both speech measures correlated with attention and psychomotor speed performance but not with depression severity or self-reported social functioning.
Using this device, LLD was associated with lower levels of speech than controls and speech activity was related to psychomotor retardation. We have demonstrated that speech activity measured by wearable technology differentiated LLD from controls with high precision and, in this study, provided an objective measure of an aspect of real-world social functioning in LLD.
Although Ireland is often cited as part of the vanguard of countries adopting forms of judicial self-governance in the 1990s, this appearance can be misleading: the Irish judiciary are self-governing only in limited respects. The judge-led Court Service is in charge of court estate, non-judicial personnel and provision of information on the court system to the public. Many key matters – discipline, promotions and deployment – remain largely out of the control of the corporate judiciary. Judicial appointments are significantly at the discretion of the government. In the last decade, there have been significant moves towards a more corporate judiciary and these are reflected in the creation of a judges’ representative body, the Association of Judges of Ireland, and a shadow Judges Council. There are currently proposals to create a new independent mechanism for appointing judges and to create a Judicial Council with a significant role in disciplining the judiciary.
The Irish experience highlights the importance of political and cultural factors in establishing and maintaining judicial independence and self-governance. Despite the significant role for the government in judicial appointments, and the presence of a culture of political patronage in these appointments, there is nonetheless a robust culture of individual judicial independence once judges have been appointed. The creation of the Courts Service in 1999 was a significant transfer of administrative power to the judiciary but it was approved without demur by the political branches, who welcomed the depoliticization of controversial decisions about court estate. Conversely, reforms to judicial appointments have been weak because politicians saw value in maintaining a relatively harmless form of political patronage, and proposals for a Judicial Council that have agreed in outline for two decades have yet to be enacted, apparently because they lack sufficient political salience. The defence of judicial independence, and the creation of robust institutional mechanisms for defending it, ultimately requires the goodwill of politicians.
Identifying optimal sampling designs for detecting population-level declines is critical for optimizing expenditures by research and monitoring programmes. The Tropical Ecology Assessment and Monitoring (TEAM) network is the most extensive tropical camera-trap monitoring programme, but the effectiveness of its sampling protocol has not been rigorously assessed. Here, we assess the power and sensitivity of the programme's camera-trap monitoring protocol for detecting occupancy changes in unmarked populations using the freely available application PowerSensor!. We found that the protocol is well suited to detect moderate (≥ 5%) population changes within 3–4 years for relatively common species that have medium to high detection probabilities (i.e. p > 0.2). The TEAM protocol cannot, however, detect typical changes in rare and evasive species, a category into which many tropical species and many species of conservation concern fall. Additional research is needed to build occupancy models for detecting change in rare and elusive species when individuals are unmarked.
This article offers an architectural blueprint for the study of economic connections between warfare in the early modern period and the long-term growth of Europe's competing national economies. It surveys and critically investigates the concepts derived mainly from economic theory and the statistical evidence accessible in primary and secondary sources for the investigation of this meta-problem for students of economic theory.
ABSTRACT. The development of the British naval power from 1642 onwards was a decisive element in a precocious industrialization and a powerful commercial development that generated in turn, by a retroactive phenomenon, the capacity to develop a naval instrument. The initial impetus was the political will of the central power shared by the elites to ensure a royal and then Jacobin restoration. The financial mobilization for this naval development resulted in the implementation of particularly sophisticated financial institutions and tools allowing the constant development of the naval instrument, which was both the cause and the consequence of an economy boosted by increasing urbanization and industrial and commercial development.
RÉSUMÉ. Le développement de la puissance navale britannique à partir des années 1642 fut l'élément décisif d'une industrialisation précoce et d'un puissant développement commercial générant à leur tour, par un phénomène de rétroaction, la capacité de développer encore l'instrument naval. L'aiguillon originel fut la volonté politique du pouvoir central, partagée par les élites, de se prémunir d'une restauration royale, puis jacobite. La mobilisation financière pour ce développement naval aboutit à la mise en place d'institutions financières et d'outils financiers particulièrement sophistiqués ayant permis le développement constant de l'instrument naval, tout à la fois cause et conséquence d'une économie portée par l'urbanisation croissante, le développement industriel et commercial.
For whosoever commands the Sea commands the Trade: whoever commands the Trade commands the Riches of the World and consequently the World itself.'
Sir Walter Raleigh
Geopolitical reductionism is no longer a favoured mode for constructing historical narratives to explore and explain the precocious transition of the British Isles into a global hegemonic political and economic power. By the 17th century the advantages of an off-shore location had become transparent to its aristocracy and merchants and to rival ruling elites on the mainland of Europe. Those natural advantages flowed from sea lanes surrounding the Isles connected to rivers and tributaries reaching inland into a country where almost no hamlet, village or town was more than 70 miles from open sea or a days journey from a tidal river linked to the seas and oceans of the world.