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This article uses empirical evidence from Nicaragua to examine Guillermo O'Donnell's argument that new democracies often become undemocratic delegative democracies and that vertical accountability is not enough to stop such encroaching authoritarianism. While events in the last five years have focused attention on illegal executive behavior by former president Alemán, Nicaragua's democracy actually has experienced authoritarian presidencies under all the major parties. Elections and popular mobilization have strengthened the independence of the legislature, however. Mechanisms of vertical accountability thereby have proven more effective than expected in restraining executive authoritarianism and fostering institutions of horizontal accountability. The case of Nicaragua shows that citizens can use the power balance and separate institutional mandate of presidential democracy to limit authoritarianism.
To determine macronutrients and micronutrients in foods served to and consumed by children at child-care centres in Oklahoma, USA and compare them with Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI).
Observed lunch nutrients compared with one-third of the age-based DRI (for 1–3 years-olds and 4–8-year-olds).
Oklahoma child-care centres (n 25), USA.
Children aged 3–5 years (n 415).
Regarding macronutrients, children were served 1782 (sd 686) kJ (426 (sd 164) kcal), 22·0 (sd 9·0) g protein, 51·5 (sd 20·4) g carbohydrate and 30·7 (sd 8·7) % total fat; they consumed 1305 (sd 669) kJ (312 (sd 160 kcal), 16·0 (sd 9·1) g protein, 37·6 (sd 18·5) g carbohydrate and 28·9 (sd 10·6) % total fat. For both age-based DRI: served energy (22–33 % of children), protein and carbohydrate exceeded; consumed energy (7–13 % of children) and protein exceeded, while carbohydrate was inadequate. Regarding micronutrients, for both age-based DRI: served Mg (65·9 (sd 24·7) mg), Zn (3·8 (sd 11·8) mg), vitamin A (249·9 (sd 228·3) μg) and folate (71·9 (sd 40·1) µg) exceeded; vitamin E (1·4 (sd 2·1) mg) was inadequate; served Fe (2·8 (sd 1·8) mg) exceeded only in 1–3-year-olds. Consumed folate (48·3 (sd 38·4) µg) met; Ca (259·4 (sd 146·2) mg) and Zn (2·3 (sd 3·0) mg) exceeded for 1–3-year-olds, but were inadequate for 4–8-year-olds. For both age-based DRI: consumed Fe (1·9 (sd 1·2) mg) and vitamin E (1·0 (sd 1·7) mg) were inadequate; Mg (47·2 (sd 21·8) mg) and vitamin A (155·0 (sd 126·5) µg) exceeded.
Lunch at child-care centres was twice the age-based DRI for consumed protein, while energy and carbohydrate were inadequate. Areas of improvement for micronutrients pertain to Fe and vitamin E for all children; Ca, Zn, vitamin E and folate for older pre-schoolers. Adequate nutrients are essential for development and the study reveals where public health nutrition experts, policy makers and care providers should focus to improve the nutrient density of foods.
The analysis of this book relies on seven separate data bases collected by different pollsters in Nicaragua and Argentina between 1996 and 2003. Of those seven data bases, five were public opinion polls and two were elite opinion polls. This appendix describes these data sources. Of the five public opinion polls described here, one was a Latinobarometer survey that included both Nicaragua and Argentina. The other four public opinion surveys were national or neighborhood samples of public opinion, two each in Nicaragua and Argentina. The two elite opinion surveys were directed at current legislators who held seats in the national legislatures of these two countries at the time that our study took place.
THE 1997 AND 2007 LATINOBAROMETER SURVEYS
Sections of Chapters 4, 5, and 6, as well as the final paragraphs of Chapter 7, draw on data collected by the continent-wide survey known as the Latinobarometer. These data are publically available. As it is explained in the text, the late 1990s was a period of regime change in both Nicaragua and Argentina. Public opinion surveys collected then were most appropriate to uncover public attitudes toward different types of governmental regimes. Because it matched in terms of timing with the two national surveys (discussed below), the year 1997 represented an ideal year for using the Latinobarometer data. The 1997 Latinobarometer data were collected by local pollsters and supervised by FLACSO, Chile.
And what the hell do I care if the banks reduce their interest rates by one and one half points?
Eduardo Mazo, Autorizado a Vivir
Look at this cross! … I am not a communist, as Somoza calls all who fight against his government. I am a Catholic and a Sandinista.
Nicaraguan revolutionary from the barricades of Estelí, 1978
We did not invent the fundamental elements of our liberation ourselves. The vanguard gathered these ideas from Sandino … We found political, military, ideological, and moral elements in our people, in our own history.
Humberto Ortega Saavedra
Sandinismo was fundamentally a movement of the poorest of the poor, many of whom did not even have jobs, much less labor unions. It was born out of landlessness, exploitative agro-export capitalism, and urban squalor. Although most Sandinistas were the lowest-income members of one of the poorest Latin American nations, Sandinismo was also a movement that joined together like-minded opponents of dictatorship who themselves came from many different walks of life. It was a movement deeply grounded in and aware of mainstream currents of political thinking and economic interdependence worldwide. Its leaders and thinkers exhibited profound awareness of the causes and consequences of wealth and poverty, even as many of its followers knew they were excluded from wealth and participation in the global economy.
Although Nicaragua is a poor nation lacking extensive natural resources, a vast market, or a strong economy, it benefits from its geographical location near the United States and at the heart of Latin America.
In the upper left-hand corner was a remote scene framed in a tiny window: an empty beach and a solitary woman looking at the sea. She was staring into the distance as if expecting something, perhaps some faint and faraway summons. In my mind that scene suggested the most wistful and absolute loneliness.
Ernesto Sabato, The Tunnel
It is not enough just to teach doctrine. It must be inculcated…. It is not enough just to know what it says. One must understand and feel it. That is why it must be inculcated.
Juan Perón, second class on Political Conduct, Peronist High School, March 29, 1951
Well look, let me say it once and for all. I didn't invent Perón … or Evita…. They were born as a reaction to your bad governments … They were summoned as a defence by a people who you and yours submerged in a long path of misery. They were born of you, by you and for you.
Enrique Santos Discepolo
If one stands on Argentina's south Atlantic shore, one will immediately understand that the first scene above, written by one of Argentina's most renowned novelists, is alluding to Argentina, itself. The country lies literally at the end of the earth. As a colony it “was not only separated by huge distances from the mother-country, but it was also at the periphery of the Spanish Empire, so much so that the Spanish Crown did not even send corregidores to administer the area.
I watched a boy die here. He was lying just out of my reach on this street corner and the gunfire was too thick to go out after him. He kept calling to me. He bled to death. I have never forgotten that.
Sandinista revolutionary Managua, Nicaragua
Eva Perón gave my mother a sewing machine and that has made everything possible.
Peronist taxi driver Buenos Aires, Argentina
It was late June, 1979, in Nicaragua. The southern column of FSLN guerrilla fighters had reached Managua and was engaged in hand-to-hand combat in the streets against Anastasio Somoza's National Guard. It was the beginning of the end, the start of the final battle for control of the capital city and, with it, the country and the state. The guerrillas were being hidden, sheltered, fed, and treated for battle wounds within one southern Managua neighborhood, Bello Horizonte. But in this early stage of the battle for Managua, the guerrillas were losing. The other three columns of guerrilla fighters converging on Managua from the north, west, and east had not yet arrived, so the FSLN leaders of this first column decided to fall back from Managua to the neighboring city of Masaya, less than twenty-five miles away and firmly under the control of the revolutionaries. From there they would wait for the other columns to arrive, and they would converge on Managua together.
When, in The Social Contract, Rousseau confronted the possibility that the people, while willing the good, might not always be able to see the good, he reached back to ancient Greek and Roman traditions and suggested the Legislator, the extraordinary individual with sufficient wisdom to establish a system of laws and institutions that would enable a society to manage its affairs in peace and justice.
Thornton H. Anderson
It was a balmy South American spring night in early November. The clock read 1 a.m. in Buenos Aires, a city that never sleeps. I had been observing the debate on the floor of the Senate since 5 p.m. the previous evening, and I could not keep my eyes open any longer. As I left the National Congress, I paused for a moment on the sidewalk and looked back. On both sides of the four-story Congress, lights blazed in every window, visual testimony to the vitality, energy, and power of Argentina's contemporary Congress. On the right side of the imposing, Baroque-style building beneath its bronze dome, just outside the House of Deputies, dozens of advisors, staff people, and secretaries scurried back and forth across the now-empty street between the Congress and the House Office Building. An important vote was coming down in the lower chamber, and Deputies were demanding information from their exhausted staff as debate swelled on the floor. But that vote would not come for another several hours and I, for one, had had it.
Ricardo became a Sandinista. Born in 1944 to a family of modest income in Managua, Nicaragua, Ricardo found himself drawn to religion when he was still a teenager. He began studying in the Catholic high school and decided to become a priest. He worked under the tutelage of then-Bishop Miguel Obando y Bravo. When he was old enough to join the university, Ricardo traveled to Europe, supported by the church, to complete his studies there. He attended a European seminary and met many Catholics from Spain, Belgium, and elsewhere. When he graduated and was ordained a priest, Ricardo returned to Managua to work among the poor. That's where he was on December 23, 1972, when, in the early morning hours, Managua was hit by the most severe earthquake of its history. With extraordinary good luck, Ricardo woke up and rushed out of his room and out into the courtyard of his residence, only to see the walls around him rock and begin to fall. “I saw a woman crushed by a wall,” he told me. “After it fell, all you could see were her legs. It was terrible to see the damage and to see the people suffer. I walked among the ruins, and the people cried for help. All the poor people suffered so much. I always remember that.”