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Measurements of snow accumulation are critical for reliable prediction of future ice mass loss and hence projections of sea level change. However, there are currently very few published in situ measurements of snow accumulation in the Pine Island–Thwaites glacier catchment of the Amundsen Sea Embayment, and none from low elevation sites west of 100.77° longitude. Here measurements of snow accumulation over an 11 month period in 2016 are reported for six sites in the Pine Island–Thwaites glacier catchment. The average accumulation rates of 0.10±0.01 to 1.26±0.22 m w.e. yr-1 are comparable with those derived from airborne radar for the period 1985–2009, suggesting very high rates of snowfall, particularly in the vicinity of the grounding line.
Depression contributes to persistent opioid analgesic use (OAU). Treating depression may increase opioid cessation.
To determine if adherence to antidepressant medications (ADMs) v. non-adherence was associated with opioid cessation in patients with a new depression episode after >90 days of OAU.
Patients with non-cancer, non-HIV pain (n = 2821), with a new episode of depression following >90 days of OAU, were eligible if they received ≥1 ADM prescription from 2002 to 2012. ADM adherence was defined as >80% of days covered. Opioid cessation was defined as ≥182 days without a prescription refill. Confounding was controlled by inverse probability of treatment weighting.
In weighted data, the incidence rate of opioid cessation was significantly (P = 0.007) greater in patients who adhered v. did not adhered to taking antidepressants (57.2/1000 v. 45.0/1000 person-years). ADM adherence was significantly associated with opioid cessation (odds ratio (OR) = 1.24, 95% CI 1.05–1.46).
ADM adherence, compared with non-adherence, is associated with opioid cessation in non-cancer pain. Opioid taper and cessation may be more successful when depression is treated to remission.
OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: In this pilot study, we are testing a new approach for detecting neuroinflammation in individuals who have sustained a traumatic brain injury (TBI). We hypothesize that many long-term adverse consequences of TBI are driven by abnormal inflammatory processes in the brain that occur secondary to the original neural injury. This inflammation can spread well beyond the damaged tissue and cause profound fatigue, widespread pain, cognitive impairment, and depressed mood. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Using a technique based on magnetic resonance spectroscopy, we can obtain precise and accurate temperature measurements throughout the human brain, which may serve as a proxy for neuroinflammation. In this study, we examine 20 men who have sustained a moderate-to-severe TBI and 10 age-matched healthy men without history of TBI. Temperature is assessed on a voxel-by-voxel basis throughout the entire brain. Cognitive ability is measured with the Repeatable Battery for the Assessment of Neuropsychological Status (RBANS). Information on pain, fatigue, and mood is collected through questionnaire. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: We anticipate that (1) average whole-brain temperature will be significantly higher in the TBI group than the healthy control group; (2) severity of (a) pain, (b) fatigue, and (c) mood symptoms will be correlated with brain temperature; and (3) severity of cognitive impairment will be correlated with brain temperature. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: If the hypotheses are confirmed, this tool will fill a need for objective tests of TBI pathology that can be used to improve diagnostic and treatment decisions and predict long-term functioning. This test would be the first completely noninvasive tool for detecting neuroinflammation, and will allow for safe and inexpensive longitudinal testing. Ultimately, we hope this noninvasive scanning technique will accurately track neuroinflammation in TBI, leading to more targeted and effective treatments.
Policy-makers and practitioners have a need to assess community resilience in disasters. Prior efforts conflated resilience with community functioning, combined resistance and recovery (the components of resilience), and relied on a static model for what is inherently a dynamic process. We sought to develop linked conceptual and computational models of community functioning and resilience after a disaster.
We developed a system dynamics computational model that predicts community functioning after a disaster. The computational model outputted the time course of community functioning before, during, and after a disaster, which was used to calculate resistance, recovery, and resilience for all US counties.
The conceptual model explicitly separated resilience from community functioning and identified all key components for each, which were translated into a system dynamics computational model with connections and feedbacks. The components were represented by publicly available measures at the county level. Baseline community functioning, resistance, recovery, and resilience evidenced a range of values and geographic clustering, consistent with hypotheses based on the disaster literature.
The work is transparent, motivates ongoing refinements, and identifies areas for improved measurements. After validation, such a model can be used to identify effective investments to enhance community resilience. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018;12:127–137)
In this study we used individual differences concepts and analyses to examine whether older people achieve different ageing-well states universally or whether there are identifiable key groups that achieve them to different extents. The data used in the modelling were from a prospective 16-year longitudinal study of 1,000 older Australians. We examined predictors of trajectories for ageing well using self-rated health, psychological wellbeing and independence in daily living as joint indicators of ageing well in people aged over 65 years at baseline. We used group-trajectory modelling and multivariate regression to identify characteristics predicting ‘ageing well’. The results showed three distinct and sizeable ageing trajectory groups: (a) ‘stable-good ageing well’ (classified as ageing well in all longitudinal study waves; which was achieved by 30.2% of women and 28.0% of men); (b) ‘initially ageing well then deteriorating’ (50.5% women and 47.6% men); and (c) ‘stable-poor’ (not ageing well in any wave; 19.3% women and 24.4% men). Significant gender differences were found in membership in different ageing-well states. In the stable-poor groups there were 103/533 females which was significantly lower than 114/467 men (z-statistic = −2.6, p = 0.005); women had a ‘zero’ probability of progressing to a better ageing-well classification in later years, whilst males had a one-in-five probability of actually improving. Robust final state outcome predictors at baseline were lower age and fewer medical conditions for both genders; restful sleep and Australian-born for women; and good nutrition, decreased strain, non-smoker and good social support for men. These results support that ageing-well trajectories are influenced by modifiable factors. Findings will assist better targeting of health-promoting activities for older people.
Public participation in archaeology has been an ongoing facet of humanity's interaction with its past, rather than a recent discovery. It has included a range of activity, from millennia of grave robbing, translating in the present time to criminal looting and trafficking of antiquities (Brodie et al 2000), through to the foundation of learned antiquarian societies that organised excavation outings for members and spectators at the mounds, barrows and tells of their choosing (Renfrew and Bahn 2004, 31). It was the 20th-century development of archaeology as an academic pursuit and profession, as more than a hobby, which imposed a divide between public participation and the archaeological past (Bray 2003, 41; Daniel 1975, 152; Smith 2004, 41). Under the establishment of heritage legislation, archaeological research and the accompanying finds and artefacts became subject to regulation relating to ownership, but also to stewardship on behalf of the public (English Heritage 2006, 1; Jameson 1994, 16; Murtagh 1997, 147; Zaslowsky and Watkins 1994, 106; and see Carman 2005 for a wider debate of ownership and cultural property).
By the latter part of the 20th century, it had been acknowledged that there was an inherent contradiction in acting on behalf of the public by keeping the public from direct participation with its archaeological heritage. Rather, heritage management was seen to need to include education, outreach and participation components, guided by the ethics of inclusion (Corbishley and Stone 1994, 389; Creamer 1990, 137; Flood 1989, 2; Jameson 1993, 2; McManamon 1991, 122; Rees 1999, 14).
The inspiration for this chapter has come from the observations of several years of public participatory archaeology seminars and workshops in both the UK and Canada. The audiences of these sessions have varied from school groups aged between 12 and 19 to prospective archaeology students, their families and undergraduate archaeology students. This chapter will describe the development of three different workshops, their trials and possible future developments. The ultimate goal is to share good practice and encourage other archaeologists to seek out public interaction as a means of enriching both the discipline and the public's understanding of archaeology.
Archaeology has become increasingly popular in the media. But the image that is created is not always consistent with the reality of the discipline. However, simply flooding the media with academic-sponsored information is far from the solution. An additional problem, affecting not only archaeology but also other minority departments, is the retention of students and the lack of preparation of these students for the independent nature of university learning. With these two issues in mind, a proactive solution was developed. Using enquiry-based learning (EBL) as a means to facilitate student-directed learning, three different workshops were developed and tested.
The first workshop was part of a project funded by the Centre for Excellence in Enquiry-Based Learning (CEEBL), located at the University of Manchester in 2007-08. The second workshop was part of an even larger project directed at embedding enquiry-based learning into the archaeology curriculum at the University of Manchester, again funded by the CEEBL in 2009–10.
Halfway through the interview, the author posed a question to the teacher: ‘So, do you think that our archaeological heritage is important?’ The teacher answered with confidence: ‘Of course!’, and went on to explain: ‘Our archaeological heritage is more expensive than oil … It has to be preserved, it brings hard currency through tourism into the country …’ (Teacher R 2005, pers comm).
The teacher's response was alarming. Questions were beginning to arise: why has she focused so much attention on the benefits of archaeology to tourism? Is there a link between what she taught and the curriculum aims and content? Is this an isolated case or is it a widespread phenomenon across the Jordanian education system? Is archaeology being used within this context to teach other aspects about the past and heritage? A research agenda was put in place in an attempt to find the answers to these questions. The outcome of this investigation is presented in this chapter.
Why Teach Archaeology?
The benefits of using archaeology to teach pupils about the past are varied and have long been researched. As early as the 19th century, Dewey (1899) argued for the teaching of ‘prehistory’ to children in particular, as the nature of prehistory relates to children's interests and environment. His support for the use of archaeology in teaching young pupils fits with his philosophy of education which called for evidence-based curriculum and encouraged experimentation, observation and analysis, rather than the memorisation of facts (Dewey 1884). Dewey's views are still shared by many archaeologists, who argue that this approach to teaching pupils about archaeology would enhance their skills and understanding of the past (see for example Stone 2004; Antoni et al 2004; Hogberg 2007).
Within the context of Jordan, the term ‘heritage’ is verbally and mentally more approachable for lay people than the term ‘archaeology’. Thus, in this chapter, community heritage is used interchangeably with community archaeology to describe a discipline that explores people's engagement with material of the past. Basically, community archaeology ‘create[s] an open, participatory and rational-critical debate, which is presumably the only way to integrate public opinions into decisions about archaeology’ (Matsuda 2004, 66). This critical engagement with contemporary issues, using a participatory approach, enhances archaeological theories and practices related to heritage management, given that ‘archaeological theory falls short in addressing heritage management and how archaeological knowledge is used within the management process’ (Smith 1994, 300).
This chapter is about establishing engagement with people in Jordan regarding archaeological sites. The respondents in the study supplied data through in-depth interviews about certain archaeological sites that exist within their living or working environments. The interviews focused on the respondents’ opinions of the interventions carried out within the sites in question. Their accounts are then incorporated with community archaeology literature that is, basically, produced in Western academic contexts. Thus, the study places the theoretical framework provided by the literature within a practical perspective influenced by the Jordanian setting. This should support the respondents’ accounts and make them eligible to be part of the archaeological knowledge that can be used in the management process, as Smith (1994, 300) observes.