Hostname: page-component-7bb8b95d7b-lvwk9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-09-27T22:18:34.636Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A developmental account of curiosity and creativity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 May 2024

Julie Vaisarova
Affiliation:
Department of Psychology, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA jvaisaro@asu.edu kelsey.lucca@asu.edu https://www.emergingmindslab.org
Kelsey Lucca*
Affiliation:
Department of Psychology, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA jvaisaro@asu.edu kelsey.lucca@asu.edu https://www.emergingmindslab.org
*
*Corresponding author.

Abstract

Ivancovsky et al.'s Novelty-Seeking Model suggests several mechanisms that might underlie developmental change in creativity and curiosity. We discuss how these implications both do and do not align with extant developmental findings, suggest two further elements that can provide a more complete developmental account, and discuss current methodological barriers to formulating an integrated developmental model of curiosity and creativity.

Type
Open Peer Commentary
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press

Curiosity and creativity are defining features of early childhood (Lucca & Wilbourn, Reference Lucca and Wilbourn2018; Mottweiler & Taylor, Reference Mottweiler and Taylor2014) that are widely believed to fade with age – a worrying prospect, given how essential they are for discovery and innovation (Gopnik & Griffiths, Reference Gopnik and Griffiths2017). Evidence for such worries, however, is mixed; while some studies suggest developmental decreases in curiosity and creativity (e.g., Liquin & Gopnik, Reference Liquin and Gopnik2022), others indicate improvements (e.g., Said-Metwaly, Fernández-Castilla, Kyndt, Van Den Noortgate, & Barbot, Reference Said-Metwaly, Fernández-Castilla, Kyndt, Van Den Noortgate and Barbot2021). We suggest Ivancovsky et al.'s Novelty-Seeking Model (NSM) – specifically the proposed role of top-down processes – can help reconcile these findings. We discuss how the NSM's predictions both align with and deviate from existing developmental research and propose two new elements that, if integrated into the NSM, could help it more fully explain creativity and curiosity across the lifespan.

The NSM ascribes a central role to top-down attentional and cognitive control. The profound improvement in these capacities from infancy to adulthood (Carlson, Zelazo, & Faja, Reference Carlson, Zelazo, Faja and Zelazo2013) suggests their development is integral to developmental change in creativity and curiosity. At the affinity stage of the NSM, children's broader, less focused attention might allow more stimuli to draw their attention and trigger the novelty-seeking process, expanding the scope of exploration. At the evaluation stage, children's limited executive function skills might constrain their ability to evaluate ideas (in creativity) or focus on and deeply explore them (in curiosity), leading to more expansive but less refined creative ideation and broader but shallower exploration. In sum, rather than monotonic developmental increases or decreases, the NSM implies different patterns of change in different aspects of creativity and curiosity – breadth and volume should decrease with age, as top-down control strengthens, but depth and quality should increase.

In many respects, these NSM-based predictions are consistent with existing developmental findings. Consistent with the NSM's account of the affinity stage, children explore new environments more broadly than adults (Liquin & Gopnik, Reference Liquin and Gopnik2022), at least partly due to their wider attentional scope (Blanco & Sloutsky, Reference Blanco and Sloutsky2020; Plebanek & Sloutsky, Reference Plebanek and Sloutsky2017). And consistent with the NSM's account of the evaluation stage, there is evidence that children can use their executive function skills to increase the creativity of their ideas, but do so less effectively than adults (Nusbaum, Silvia, & Beaty, Reference Nusbaum, Silvia and Beaty2014; Vaisarova & Carlson, Reference Vaisarova and Carlson2023).

Other developmental findings, however, are harder to reconcile with the NSM. Perhaps most notably, the NSM implies children should be better at generating many ideas (i.e., more creatively “fluent”) than adults due to their broader attentional scope and limited capacity for idea-evaluation. However, except for some temporary “slumps,” ideational fluency generally increases with age (Said-Metwaly et al., Reference Said-Metwaly, Fernández-Castilla, Kyndt, Van Den Noortgate and Barbot2021). While this discrepancy might be partly explained by developmental change in the content and structure of memory, it remains unclear whether this is the full story. Further, in contrast with positive associations between adults' executive function and fluency (e.g., Benedek, Franz, Heene, & Neubauer, Reference Benedek, Franz, Heene and Neubauer2012), children's executive function can be negatively associated with fluency (Hendry et al., Reference Hendry, Agyapong, D'Souza, Frick, Portugal, Konke and Brocki2022; Vaisarova & Carlson, Reference Vaisarova and Carlson2021). This suggests qualitative change in the role of top-down processes, which the NSM does not currently account for. We propose the model needs to incorporate additional factors – including metacognitive skills and social influences – to apply across the lifespan.

Developmental change in metacognition – specifically, understanding of one's own novelty-seeking process – can help contextualize the changing role of executive function. While adults self-report using a range of executively demanding strategies when generating ideas (Gilhooly, Fioratou, Anthony, & Wynn, Reference Gilhooly, Fioratou, Anthony and Wynn2007), children report fewer, less executively demanding strategies (Bai, Mulder, Moerbeek, Kroesbergen, & Leseman, Reference Bai, Mulder, Moerbeek, Kroesbergen and Leseman2021). Understanding how to strategically enhance ideation appears to improve with age and might shape how executive function is used at the NSM's evaluation stage – not just to evaluate ideas, but to evaluate and modify the novelty-seeking process. Metacognitive changes can also help explain the finding that executive function appears positively associated with adults' ideational fluency but negatively associated with children's; this might occur because adults better understand how to use their executive skills to help them generate ideas.

A second factor emphasized in developmental discussions of creativity and curiosity, which would enrich the NSM and help it better account for developmental findings, is the social context in which novelty-seeking unfolds. Social conformity and social learning are key factors that can both constrain and expand creativity and curiosity (Barbot, Lubart, & Besançon, Reference Barbot, Lubart and Besançon2016; Lee, Lazaro, Wang, Şen, & Lucca, Reference Lee, Lazaro, Wang, Şen and Lucca2023). For instance, children's artwork becomes less creative when they are told it will be evaluated (Amabile, Reference Amabile1982), and when parents engage in more exploration their children do as well (Willard et al., Reference Willard, Busch, Cullum, Letourneau, Sobel, Callanan and Legare2019). Within the NSM, we propose these influences largely operate at the affinity and evaluation phases. Social cues may draw individuals' attention to certain aspects of their environment, as well as shaping their goals and evaluation criteria. Standards for the usefulness of an idea, for instance, might be higher in a context where it will be used by others.

Our discussion is limited by methodological factors that have precluded researchers from giving equal attention to creativity and curiosity across ages, making it difficult to pinpoint their associations and shared processes across development (but see Evans & Jirout, Reference Evans and Jirout2023). Creativity assessments tend to rely heavily on verbal skills, making them inappropriate for very young children, while curiosity-driven behaviors like pointing and manual exploration can be reliably observed in infancy (Lucca & Wilbourn, Reference Lucca and Wilbourn2018; Stahl & Feigenson, Reference Stahl and Feigenson2015). And although both curiosity and creativity are multidimensional and pose significant measurement challenges (Lee et al., Reference Lee, Lazaro, Wang, Şen and Lucca2023; Lubart, Zenasni, & Barbot, Reference Lubart, Zenasni and Barbot2013), development of behavioral creativity assessments for children has received more attention (e.g., Torrance, Reference Torrance1966). Ongoing work in our research group aims to address this discrepancy by developing a behavioral “curiosity battery” for young children. A complete account of mechanisms underlying curiosity and creativity across the lifespan will require research examining their links from an early age using validated, developmentally appropriate measures, and considering the role of factors like metacognition and social context. Beyond providing a more robust theoretical model, this work has important practical implications – the more we know about how curiosity and creativity operate early in life, the more we can empower children to become curious, creative problem-solvers.

Acknowledgement

We thank members of the Early Childhood Cognition Research Group at Arizona State University – Viridiana Benitez, Nayen Lee, Elise Mahaffey, Ye Li, and Marissa Castellana – as well as Steven Neuberg, for their thoughtful feedback on this commentary.

Financial support

This work is supported by a National Science Foundation CAREER award “Cultivating Curiosity to Promote Learning and Discovery” awarded to Kelsey Lucca (BCS 2047194).

Competing interest

None.

References

Amabile, T. M. (1982). Children's artistic creativity: Detrimental effects of competition in a field setting. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 8(3), 573578.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bai, H., Mulder, H., Moerbeek, M., Kroesbergen, E. H., & Leseman, P. P. M. (2021). Divergent thinking in four-year-old children: An analysis of thinking processes in performing the Alternative Uses Task. Thinking Skills and Creativity, 40, 100814. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tsc.2021.100814CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barbot, B., Lubart, T. I., & Besançon, M. (2016). “Peaks, slumps, and bumps”: Individual differences in the development of creativity in children and adolescents. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 2016(151), 3345. https://doi.org/10.1002/cad.20152CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Benedek, M., Franz, F., Heene, M., & Neubauer, A. C. (2012). Differential effects of cognitive inhibition and intelligence on creativity. Personality and Individual Differences, 53(4), 480485. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2012.04.014CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Blanco, N. J., & Sloutsky, V. M. (2020). Attentional mechanisms drive systematic exploration in young children. Cognition, 202, 104327. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2020.104327CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Carlson, S. M., Zelazo, P. D., & Faja, S. (2013). Executive function. In Zelazo, P. D. (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of developmental psychology (Vol. 1, pp. 705743). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199958450.013.0025Google Scholar
Evans, N. S., & Jirout, J. J. (2023). Investigating the relation between curiosity and creativity. Journal of Creativity, 33(1), 100038. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yjoc.2022.100038CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gilhooly, K. J., Fioratou, E., Anthony, S. H., & Wynn, V. (2007). Divergent thinking: Strategies and executive involvement in generating novel uses for familiar objects. British Journal of Psychology, 98(4), 611625. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8295.2007.tb00467.xCrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Gopnik, A., & Griffiths, T. L. (2017). What happens to creativity as we age? New York Times.Google Scholar
Hendry, A., Agyapong, M. A., D'Souza, H., Frick, M. A., Portugal, A. M., Konke, L. A., … Brocki, K. C. (2022). Inhibitory control and problem solving in early childhood: Exploring the burdens and benefits of high self-control. Infant and Child Development, 31(3), e2297. https://doi.org/10.1002/icd.2297CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Lee, N., Lazaro, V., Wang, J. J., Şen, H. H., & Lucca, K. (2023). Exploring individual differences in infants’ looking preferences for impossible events: The Early Multidimensional Curiosity Scale. Frontiers in Psychology, 13, 1015649. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.1015649CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Liquin, E. G., & Gopnik, A. (2022). Children are more exploratory and learn more than adults in an approach-avoid task. Cognition, 218, 104940. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2021.104940CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lubart, T., Zenasni, F., & Barbot, B. (2013). Creative potential and its measurement. International Journal for Talent Development and Creativity, 1(2), 4151.Google Scholar
Lucca, K., & Wilbourn, M. P. (2018). Communicating to learn: Infants’ pointing gestures result in optimal learning. Child Development, 89(3), 941960. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12707CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Mottweiler, C. M., & Taylor, M. (2014). Elaborated role play and creativity in preschool age children. Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts, 8(3), 277286. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036083CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Nusbaum, E. C., Silvia, P. J., & Beaty, R. E. (2014). Ready, set, create: What instructing people to “be creative” reveals about the meaning and mechanisms of divergent thinking. Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts, 8(4), 423432. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036549CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Plebanek, D. J., & Sloutsky, V. M. (2017). Costs of selective attention: When children notice what adults miss. Psychological Science, 28(6), 723732. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797617693005CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Said-Metwaly, S., Fernández-Castilla, B., Kyndt, E., Van Den Noortgate, W., & Barbot, B. (2021). Does the fourth-grade slump in creativity actually exist? A meta-analysis of the development of divergent thinking in school-age children and adolescents. Educational Psychology Review, 33(1), 275298. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-020-09547-9CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stahl, A. E., & Feigenson, L. (2015). Observing the unexpected enhances infants’ learning and exploration. Science, 348(6230), 9194. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aaa3799CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Torrance, E. P. (1966). The Torrance tests of creative thinking – norms: Technical manual research edition – verbal tests, forms A and B – figural tests, forms A and B. Personnel Presss.Google Scholar
Vaisarova, J., & Carlson, S. M. (2021). When a spoon is not a spoon: Examining the role of executive function in young children's divergent thinking. Trends in Neuroscience and Education, 25, 100161. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tine.2021.100161CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vaisarova, J., & Carlson, S. M. (2023). Can young children control their creativity? The role of executive function in modifying creative processes [Talk]. Society for Research in Child Development.Google Scholar
Willard, A. K., Busch, J. T. A., Cullum, K. A., Letourneau, S. M., Sobel, D. M., Callanan, M., & Legare, C. H. (2019). Explain this, explore that: A study of parent–child interaction in a children's museum. Child Development, 90(5), e598e617. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13232CrossRefGoogle Scholar