“Tan desperdigada anda la obra de cultura por nuestra América, y tan inepta es la organización y distribución bibliográfica en nuestros países, que acaso para muchos lectores de la Revista Iberoamericana el nombre de José Antonio Ramos (1885-1946) sea poco menos que desconocido. Mas a los ojos del escasísimo número de intelectuales familiarizados con su obra polifacética y saturada de fuerte aliento renovador, el homenaje que hoy rendimos a este enérgico luchador desaparecido está plenamente justificado. José Antonio Ramos es uno de los escritores más intensos y a la vez más desconocidos de la América ibera en la hora actual, y urge propagar su obra y divulgar su mensaje”.

El comentario anterior justifica el homenaje que le rindió la Revista Iberoamericana a Ramos en su número 24 y con motivo de la muerte del escritor. Sin embargo, la figura de Ramos no ha sido lo suficientemente valorizada y su obra lo suficientemente divulgada, ni siquiera en Cuba.

The following description and analysis of the role of the military in the Peruvian political system and its development from independence to the most recent military supplanting of a civilian government in 1968 should serve a twofold purpose: first, to provide information necessary to the understanding of Peruvian political development; and second, to manifest the claims and demands of a politically relevant (institutional) interest group and its manner of satisfying them. During the course of this article, it should become evident to the reader that it would be impossible to offer even the most general history of Peruvian political development without giving considerable attention to the role of both military personalities and the military as an institution.

It is the author's contention that the evolution of the Peruvian military's political role may be divided into nine phases, each with significance for the country's political system.

Industrialization was a powerful social force in the historical development of the Anglo-American economies; economic power was diffused throughout a new, individualistic, and independent economic class that successfully broke the political and cultural monopoly of a traditional, landowning elite. Recognizing the importance of industrialization in social change, conventional economic theory, as taught in the United States and Great Britain, implicitly relied on it to give dynamism to static equilibrium models of resource allocation and income distribution, while Marxist analysis placed it in the very center of a dynamic growth theory.

Chile has a housing problem but not in the traditional sense of something to be solved. Like any other country in the throes of modernization, Chile is producing an inadequate flow of housing services for low income families. Each family participates to some extent in the available housing services, but an estimated 600,000 families are not receiving an adequate supply. This analysis is concerned with the economics of the government response to this situation from 1965 to 1969.

The focus is on the economics of housing because the basic question that the housing policy decisions taken by the government must face is the more efficient administration of the scarce resources available for the production of improved housing services. Housing is a basic social need to which limited resources must be assigned by both the public and private sectors.

Estados sociológicos recentes têm procurado salientar que nas economias de modêlo exportador, baseadas no sistema de plantacões tropicais e no trabalho escravo, o grande proprietário rural geralmente se converte em comerciante que vende para os mercados externos os seus próprios produtos. Segundo essa tese, nesse tipo de sociedades não se constituiría urna elite de mercadores individualizada e consciente dos interêsses próprios, distintos dos da aristocracia rural.

Parece-nos que seria interessante analisar comparativamente duas comunidades de mercadores inseridas em sociedades coloniais do tipo “plantation” com o objetivo de verificar a validade dessa tese.

Rio de Janeiro e Charleston, portos de escoamento de produtos tropicais e de entrada e redistribuição de escravos africanos, de importação de produtos manufaturados de origem européia e de trânsito de um próspero comércio de cabotagem de gêneros alimentícios, oferecem urna base para a comparação.

There has been no official population census of Cuba since the decennial count of 1953. The Castro government, which came to power in January 1959, has not seen fit to continue census-taking on decennial basis, which would have regularly called for an enumeration in 1963. Until 1958 Cuban government agencies, including the National Bank and the National Economic Council, published annual estimates, intending presumably to adjust them in accordance with what would have been a census in 1963. The revolutionary government has continued annual estimates, but until recently, made no official announcement of them. In 1967, for the first time, the year-by-year estimates became available in official statistical publications.

Much interest has been associated with the population trends by students of Cuba because of a number of factors which presumably would affect them, notably the extraordinary emigration from the island. There have been attempts to arrive at estimates independently.

There are many ways of dealing with events that are perceived by a government as threats to the stability of the existing political system. Two contrasting ways will be discussed in this study of Mexico, and an attempt will be made to evaluate their relative efficacy in controlling activities regarded as subversive by the government in question. The first method to be discussed will be referred to as the legal approach to subversion. Focus will be on both the latent and manifest functions (in Mertonian terms) of the letter, intent, and implementation of the Mexican law.

The ley de disolución social (law of social dissolution) forms part of the Mexican Federal Penal Code, which is applicable throughout the entire republic.

The Brazilian Negroes must be viewed in the context of Brazilian history and civilization and of the forces of social change operating throughout Brazilian society. In this article I intend to point out some of the historical factors that significantly influence the social mobility, or lack of it, of Brazilian Negroes, to analyze the present status of Negroes in Brazilian society, and to suggest some possible ways of dealing with this largely ignored, but very serious, racial situation that contains the seeds of a potential social crisis.

After the discovery of Brazil by Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500, the Portuguese exploited its coastal territories for more than fifty years with little help other than that of the enslaved Indians.

Mexico's present political organization bears the imprint of regional fragmentation, which has strong pre-Revolutionary antecedents. Early Revolutionary governments reduced the weight of regional loyalties and divisions in the political equation without totally removing them. By attacking latifundia, caudillos, infrastructural deficiencies, and other underpinnings of regionalism, they advanced toward national integration. Nevertheless, the political pattern set by ancient conditions persisted in a new context. When President Miguel Alemán (1946-1952) institutionalized the Revolution, he also sanctioned a form of institutionalized regionalism. The ruling party (Partido Revolucionario Institutional or PRI) adapted the traditional mode of political participation to a new governing style. As a result, the regional recruitment of national leaders still depends more on the historical status of the states from which they come than on such modern criteria as the state's economic power or population size.

One of Paraguay's most important writers of the past forty years is Gabriel Casaccia, the pen name used by Benigno Casaccia Bibolini. Born in Asunción in 1907, he was educated at the Colegio Nacional of his native city and holds a doctor's degree from the Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales of the National University. Since 1935 he has resided in Argentina. His literary production has included five novels: Hombres, mujeres y fantoches, Mario Pareda, La babosa, La llaga, and Los exiliados. He is also author of two collections of short stories, El guahjú and El pozo, and one play, El bandolero. In this article, I will attempt to survey briefly Casaccia's interpretation of Paraguay in his novels, especially his view of the social and political vicissitudes of recent years.

Much of economic planning in Latin America has been oriented toward promoting industrialization. These plans have generally given a major role to government, and no doubt there is a significant role that the public sector can and must play in capital mobilization as well as in performing other functions. In most countries, the infrastructural needs alone are enormous and constitute a major challenge for the still rudimentary machinery of public administration and the generally weak fiscal systems.

Clearly, however, a very large portion of the capital requirements of industrialization has been supplied by the private sector—with important assistance from foreign enterprises, to be sure, but with the domestic private sectors supplying most of the financing needed to maintain what has been, in most countries, a relatively high rate of industrial development. The focus of this paper is on the mechanism by which this capital has been mobilized by the private sector and on the changes that appear to occur in that mechanism during the process of industrialization.

The International Coffee Agreement (1962) culminated a long search for a comprehensive coffee price support scheme. From the late 1920s to the early 1940s Brazil had unilaterally supported coffee prices by storing and burning huge quantities of coffee. Brazil's efforts to gain multilateral price support during this period were in vain. In the mid-1950s, when it again became apparent that coffee production would soon exceed demand at any price satisfactory to producers, Brazil renewed the search for multilateral market support. Her efforts met with partial success in October 1957 when seven Latin American coffee growing nations signed the Mexico Agreement. Market support was gradually expanded in a series of annual agreements until representatives of countries accounting for over 90 percent of the world's production and consumption agreed to the five-year International Coffee Agreement (1962). This agreement was followed by another five-year pact, the International Coffee Agreement of 1968.

A “messiah,” as the term is used here, is taken to mean a person believing himself to be divinely called, as a result of a dream or a series of visions, to lead a group of people from some catastrophic set of conditions into a more perfect state of affairs. “Messianism” is a term used in a variety of ways but usually to characterize a religious movement led by a messiah. Sertão is a Portuguese word meaning simply “hinterland” or interior and is usually taken to refer to a region in Brazil known as the polígona das sêcas (drought polygon) which extends over an area of the states of Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará, Pernambuco, Rio Grande do Norte, Sergipe, Alagoas, and Bahia subject to periodic and unpredictable droughts.

The introductory survey is the single most important course we offer in Latin American history. What we attempt to achieve, how we go about it, and the interest we generate among our students will determine our success or failure in opening to them what Lewis Hanke rightly calls “a significant segment of world history.” Course organization is an intensely personal matter, yet formal and informal discussions at recent conferences have convinced me that an airing of some thoughts on the matter is needed.

A declaration of faith is necessary before proceeding. I do not agree with those who would abolish the introductory survey and substitute a “problems” course or an assortment of country histories. A problems course tends to distort the richness and diversity of the area's historical growth unless the student has some foundations such as those provided by an introductory survey. I do not dismiss a problems course for undergraduates.

Si bien es muy conocido que la integración económica latinoamericana, mejor dicho sudamericana, se inicia con la suscripción en 1961 del Tratado de Montevideo, hoy estamos contemplando que desde esa fecha se ha venido produciendo precisamente el proceso inverso, por una serie de causas y factores que no es el momento de analizar ni exponer y que están culminando con la desintegración económica de los países sudamericanos.

Sin tomar en cuenta a los países centroamericanos que iniciaron muy tempranamente el proceso de su integración exclusivamente entre ellos, sin referirse en nada al resto de sus hermanos latinoamericanos, los países sudamericanos y México emprendieron en 1961 su propia integración a base del ya mencionado Tratado de Montevideo; mas transcurridos algunos años, después de la Reunión de Presidentes en la ciudad de Bogotá en 1967, países como Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Perú y Chile, resuelven crear una subzona particular de comercio denominada “Subandina”, la misma que de acuerdo con los postulados que sostiene está constituyéndose en un grupo antagónico, por no decir rival, de los que quedaron integrando el Tratado de Montevideo, o sea, Brasil, Uruguay, Paraguay y la Argentina, países que por su situación geográfica han sido denominados los del grupo del Atlántico.

Domingo Faustino Sarmiento is little known in the United States, but he is one of Latin America's greatest men. Man of letters, educator, revolutionary, statesman, there was little in which Sarmiento did not excel. One writer has described him as “the most powerful brain America has produced,” and another has said that “America has not produced another man like him nor does Europe have in its history a personage who resembles him.” Sarmiento is the author of Facundo, one of the outstanding works in Latin American literature; he was the founder of public education in South America (he is often described as “the Horace Mann of South America”); and he was president of Argentina during the period of national unification (which has led one writer to call him, “The Abraham Lincoln of Argentina”).

For years many Americans have assumed that the United States has exploited Cuba. The greatest opportunity for this control existed when the United States occupied Cuba after the Spanish-American War. The island was ravaged by war, famine, and disease, and the Cubans were exhausted after nearly a decade of depression, and revolution. It would have been easy for the U.S. government and business interests to control Cuba economically. Yet this did not occur. By concentrating our attention upon Cuban sugar production, perhaps the real nature of United States-Cuban economic relations may become apparent.

In the aftermath of the Spanish-American War, the McKinley administration found itself caught between two forces. The Congressional Joint Resolution of April 20, 1898, bound the Americans to leave Cuba once the island was pacified, but the Paris Peace Treaty of December 10, 1898, assumed that the United States would remain for a period of reconstruction.

The role of the Latin American industrialist as a potential modernizing agent promoting social and economic evolution has received increasing attention in recent years. Yet discussions of the industrialist's role have been largely impressionistic; few opinion surveys of the industrialist's goals and values are available. This study was based on such an opinion survey of industrial trade association leaders in Argentina, a nation in which the debate over the role of the industrialist in social evolution has received wide attention.

The industrial trade association movement itself is split into two factions: the porteño-dominaied Argentine Industrial Union (UIA), created before the turn of the century, and the interior-based Confederation of Industry (CI), founded during the second presidency of Juan Domingo Perón. The ability of the sector to strengthen its political position hinges largely on the need to develop greater rapport between these two groups of industrialists.

Had the military not ousted President Fernando Belaúnde Terry and substituted their rule for constitutional processes, 1969 would have been an election year in Peru. According to Belaúnde, the probable winner of those elections would have been Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, the perennial candidate of the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA). Therefore, to paraphrase the comment attributed to Mark Twain on arising from his sickbed and reading his obituary in the local newspaper, announcements of Apra's demise are somewhat premature.

Few political movements in Latin America have enjoyed a comparable fame, and none has matched that of the apristas in having contributed a nonpersonalistic genre to the family of Latin America political parties.