The process of topicalization occasionally produces pleonasms with nominal-pronominal reduplication (NPR). In these structures the topic nominal is often accompanied by a comment clause containing a pronoun which is co-referential with the topic. This article discusses NPR in the language of children ages seven and nine in four different situations, one of which was child-child in free play, three of which were child-adult in retelling stories, describing pictures, and answering questions. The younger children produced more NPR. Influenced by their attitudes toward their interlocutors, the content of the situations and themselves as communicators, all of the children produced little NPR talking to their peers and increasing amounts talking to adults. Examples are given and analysed.

This paper reports the results of a preliminary study dealing with the ways in which children between six and seven years of age organize spoken language. In particular it deals with aspects of the temporal and segmental structure of polysyllabic English words containing the syllable C/jul/ (e.g. pediculous). On the basis of data presented, it is suggested (a) that in order to meet certain phonological conditions it is the relations between syllable (and not segment) durations which must undergo modification towards the adult duration values, and (b) that the achievement of such values is accompanied by some quasi-systematic alterations in phonological rules.

Pre-school children's comprehension of the adverbial modifiers very and sort of, when combined with two pairs of polar dimensional adjectives (big/little and tall/short) was experimentally investigated in 64 children (three, four and five years of age). The task involved the choice of an item from a graduated array of nine objects in response to questions combining the modifiers and adjectives. Results suggested that comprehension of very begins in the third year and is understood consistently by the four- and five-year-olds in combination with all four adjectives. Sort of is not understood by the three-year-olds, but appears to be available to the four- and five-year-olds. Results are interpreted as a reflection of an early appreciation that linguistic categories are not well bounded.

This paper rebuts a recent article in this journal (Petretic & Tweney 1977), which claimed to overthrow prior findings of ours. We show that subject populations, methods, and scoring procedures differed materially in the two studies, logically disallowing comparative interpretation of them. We demonstrate that the original study concerned syntactic organization; and that interpretation of it, or of the recent study, as bearing on comprehension is largely unjustified. Finally, we comment on our prior work in the context of new developments and findings about child language which postdate its publication in 1969.

Two groups of preschoolers and one group of young grade-schoolers were tested for their comprehension of presuppositions and negation in complex syntax. Four types of sentences were presented to each child: affirmative and negative versions of sentences with factive main predicates, which presuppose the truth of the proposition of the complement clause, and nonfactive main predicates, which do not. A forced-choice design was used: the children chose the agent subject mentioned in the complement clause, thus affirming the complement; or the unmentioned agent, thus denying the complement. Five factive predicates and five non-factive predicates were used so as to permit a comparison within each group. Competence increased into the early school years: the oldest group of participants showed a fair mastery of the syntax-semantics of the predicates of the study. The younger children showed errors of two different kinds, described as the Overextended Negation Tendency and the Overextended Affirmation Tendency. Both of these errors decreased markedly in the oldest group. The non-unitary nature of the acquired competence is discussed. In particular, it is pointed out that (1) factivity is not a grammatically marked operation and as such leads to what appears to be a gradual acquisition pattern; (2) the test of factivity comprehension employed here demanded a competence beyond that of normal use.

Three groups of children, aged 5, 7 and 11 years, were tested in a clause-memory task, in order to investigate the role of syntactic and semantic factors in children's recall and processing of spoken continuous prose. The children listened to a story, which was interrupted at intervals during which they were asked to repeat verbatim the last sentence they heard. The test-sentences always consisted of two clauses: either of the main–main type, or of the main–subordinate or subordinate–main types. The prose material was also either normal prose, or semantically uninterpretable but syntactically normal prose. The results suggest a developmental sequence in which the youngest group's performance is dominated by semantic factors. They do not show the adult clause-memory effects, their recall is dominated by the main clause, and their recall of normal prose is not clausally segmented. The two older groups' performance more closely approximates that of adults.

In order to examine the extent to which adult judgments of first words depend on visual and auditory cues, spontaneous utterances were collected for boys and girls of 1; 5, 1; 6 and 1; 10 as well as adults naming the same toys. Vocalizations clearly appropriate to the original visual context were dubbed onto new contexts varying in the number of phonetic features (0-2) by which the first phoneme of the utterance differed from the initial phoneme labelling the visual context. College students' perceptual accuracy declined with degree of mismatch, although the identical speech occurred in each context. The older the speaker, the less perception was affected by visual context. Whereas the meaning of child speech was judged by visual cues, adult meanings were judged mostly by auditory input. Biases in perceiving early speech may prompt reconsideration of current methodology and theory in early language acquisition.

Analysing the gradual learning process through which a child becomes bilingual from early infancy, three stages can be distinguished: (1) the child has one lexical system which includes words from both languages; (2) the child distinguishes two different lexicons but applies the same syntactic rules to both languages; (3) the child has two linguistic codes, differentiated both in lexicon and in syntax, but each language is exclusively associated with the person using that language. Only at the end of this stage, when the tendency to categorize people in terms of their language decreases, can one say that a child is truly bilingual.

Language samples of five Spanish/English bilingual children between the ages of 2; 10 and 6; 2 were examined for language mixes. Only 2% of the total utterances examined contained mixes. The most common type of mix involved the insertion of single lexical entries – mostly English nouns into Spanish utterances. Very few phrasal mixes were observed. It was concluded that language mixes do not constitute a major interference in the acquisition of bilingualism since children appear to be able to differentiate their two linguistic systems from an early age.