To state the situation of Europe as it appears from the Correspondence. It is such as claims equally the attention of England and Prussia.

Austria and France are united for views of mutual aggrandizement. Russia is closely connected with Austria, Spain with France. The Consequences of this formidable League are evident. They would be felt by all Europe in general, but more particularly by England and Prussia. It behoves therefore these two Courts to concert Measures for their reciprocal Safety. To compare their Information. To communicate their respective Ideas; and to examine how far it will be advisable for them to go to prevent the dangerous effects of this Confederacy.

It will be necessary, if England means to obtain a clear and explicit Answer from Prussia, that England should, on her side, be clear and explicit; and if after a fair Discussion of the present State of AiFairs it should come out that their Apprehensions are grounded, to say to what extent she is ready to go. Whether she means to confine her cooperations with Prussia merely to Negotiations and a confidential intercourse between their Ministers at the different Courts; whether she will advance a step farther and enter into eventual Engagements; or whether instead of adopting this uncertain and inefficacious Conduct, which appears unequal to the Importance of the Crisis, she will declare herself ready to meet the King of Prussia half way; and to enter immediately into an actual Alliance with Him, to oppose, under any Circumstances, the Effects of this Union between their natural Enemies.

M. de Kazeneck by order of his Court assured me for His Majesty's information that the reports industriously circulated not only throughout the Empire but in every Court of Europe, of the Emperor's ambitious projects, of forcible exchanges of Territory, Secularizations of Bishoprics, &c. &c, were totally destitute of foundation, and that he had the Emperor's commands to disavow any intention of such a nature, that the liberties of every individual as well as the general interest of the Empire were too much the object of H. I. M.'s constant attention to permit his ever harboring an idea of making use of Force in order to the carrying any exchange or other views of arrangement into execution; that on the contrary the E. was willing himself to come into any league which might be thought necessary to protect the rights of individuals as well as the general interests of the Germanic Body against any encroachments.

After some few remarks upon the reciprocal advantages which must ever ensue from the most close and friendly connection between Russia and England, the Count entered upon the subject of the Emperor's situation in respect to France; he said he was convinced the two Courts of Versailles and Vienna, however friendly to outward appearance, entertained the strongest jealousy of each other. That the Emperor flatterd himself with ultimately overreaching France, in which he (the Count) lamented the certainty of his being mistaken, and ultimately proving the Dupe of that opinion. That France was making every preparation for a Land War, and according to his sincere and firm persuasion would infallibly in the course of another twelvemonth throw off the masque and fall upon the Emperor. He then showed me a letter from Count Romanzov, containing a piece of intelligence which he said gave him the utmost concern, viz., a Report of the Court of Hanover having entered into a Treaty with Prussia to oppose the Emperor's views upon Bavaria, and that the Hanoverian Troops were actually in march. A step of this nature he observed would unavoidably throw the Emperor into the arms of France, and would be directly accomplishing the joint views of France and Prussia, in effectually preventing any probability of a friendly understanding between Austria and England.

Lord Carmarthen begs leave with all humility to submit to your Majesty, whether it might not be proper (in consequence of the very material information received from Holland) to express to the Prince and Princess of Orange the sense your Majesty entertains of the very dignifyed and becoming conduct their Royal and Serene Highnesses have manifested upon the subject of the terms of accommodation proposed to them as worthy their acceptance, not only by the Court of Versailles but even by that of Berlin, The King of Prussia appears to be as little disposed to support, as in truth able to advise, any future measures which the Princess his sister might find it advantageous to pursue in conformity with Her Royal Highness' noble and truly becoming sentiments, on indeed consistently present critical situation not only of Her own Family but of the Eepublic itself, and eventually (as far as appearances may justify the opinion) of every part of Europe.

Lord Carmarthen thinks it his indispensible Duty to submit to your Majesty his most serious and confirmed opinion that your Majesty's service necessarily calls for some decisive measure with respect to Holland with the smallest delay circumstances may admit of, for the determining of which, however, it may be expedient to wait for the Dispatches which Sir James Harris proposes sending to your Majesty by Mr. Bouverie.

It appearing by Mr. Eden's Dispatch of the 11th Inst. and by the communication made by Monsr Barthelemy, that the French Court have determined to assist in opposing the command of the Duke of Brunswick, And there being every Reason to suppose that measures will be taken for that Purpose immediately on receiving the accounts of the Prussian Troops advancing towards the Province of Holland,

It is humbly recommended to your Majesty that immediate orders should be given for arming your Majesty's Fleet with the utmost expedition, and for augmenting the army.

The great object appeared to be the Establishment being only Temporary and of course determinable whenever the Kg was in a state capable of resuming the Govt.

The Ch. beggd all private or partie animositys to be suspended as it might happen that to give the intermediate Govt effect arrangements might be prepared which, if consonant to the above Principle, might be admissible. Mr. P. thought that any alteration which might make it impossible for the K. to resume the Govt in such a state as he had left it would be an insuperable objection to any alteration of that nature. This was observed as far as the executive power was concerned might be pleaded in defence of such arrangement, as the P. might say the same motives might induce him to name particular persons in whom he had confidence to places in Govt during his Regency, as the K. might have incontinuing the servants of his nomination in power.

On Thursday, Nov. 27th, I received a letter from Mr. Pitt, dated the preceding day, to Lord Sydney, sent me by the latter agreeable to Mr. P.'s desire, stating that a message had been received late the night before from the Prince of Wales desiring the attendance of the Kings confidential servants the next day at two o'clock at Windsor Castle.

I arrived at Windsor a few minutes before two, and walked up from the Inn to the Castle, where I met Lord Sydney, and we went together to the Prince of Waless apartment; there we found the Duke of York and the Lord Chancellor. The Duke of Richmond, Lord Stafford, Lord Chatham, and Mr. Pitt, arrived soon afterwards.

The Proceedings in Parliament being now brought to a point which will render it necessary to propose to the House of Commons the particular measures to be taken for supplying the Defect of the Personal Exercise of the Koyal Authority during the present interval, and your Royal Highness having some time since signified your Pleasure that any communication on this subject should be in writing, I take the liberty of respectfully entreating your Royal Highnesss Permission to submit to your consideration the outlines of the plan which His Majesty's confidential Servants humbly conceive (according to the best judgment which they are able to form) to be proper to be proposed in the present circumstances.

The Duke of Leeds begs leave to inform your Majesty that the Duke of Orleans came to him this morning.

The Duke of Orleans began the Conversation with a Eepetition of the French King's wishes, "to continue and even to improve the system of Friendship and good understanding which so happily subsisted at present between the two Kingdoms of Great Britain and France, that it never could be the Interest of them to quarrel, and that by coming to a fixed and determined system, not only of Peace but of intimate and substantial Union and Friendship, the two Kingdoms would not alone derive advantage, but all Europe must gain by such a Connection as it would be in the Power of the two Crowns to maintain the general tranquillity."

Your Majesty's Servants, having taken into their most serious consideration the several Dispatches lately received from Berlin and the Hague, as well as the various Intelligence respecting the actual Situation of things in the Austrian Netherlands, humbly beg leave to submit the result of their opinion to your Majesty's consideration.

The main object which the Allies ought to pursue appears to be the preventing the result of the present Troubles in the Netherlands from raising up in that quarter a Power formidable to our system, which might arise to the Emperor, supposing that Prince to succeed in overturning the constitution, or to France, in case the Independence of the Provinces was established in any mode which should connect them with that Kingdom.

On Fryday, March 4th , Burges called upon me in the evening, and mention'd a report, which he had heard from Nepean, that besides Dundas being appointed Secretary of State for India it was supposed to be in contemplation to make Lord Auckland Secretary of State for the Home Department: Ld Grenville to take that for Foreign Affairs; that Mr. Pitt, Lord Grenville, the D. of Montrose and Dundas were daily closetted together for hours at a time. Nothing had transpired respecting the mode in which the foreign department was to be vacated, whether I was to be dismissed, driven to resign, or any arrangement proposed to me.

This part of the Memoranda refers to a supposed attempt at coalition between the followers of Pitt and Fox. The main object was to oppose a more united front to the internal disturbances resulting from the French Revolution, and to intervene with more effect in case England was forced to take part in the European war. Historians have generally taken their information with regard to these matters from Lord Malmesbury's Diary; but it will be found, on close examination, that most of Lord Malmesbury's statements rest solely on the authority of Lord Loughborough, who was himself very eager for office. His trustworthiness has not been borne out by the verdict of succeeding generations.

On Thursday, July 19th, in the afternoon, I received an Express at Minis from Sir Ralph Woodford with a letter from him inclosing one to me from the Duke of Portland wishing to call upon me in Grosvenor Square if in town. I returned for answer I would come up the next morning and should be happy to see his Grace either at my own house or at Burlington House or anywhere else most convenient to him.

Page 3, note 3, line I, for “Smithers,” read “Smithson.”

Page 4, note 1, line 4, for “Burning,” read “Dunning.” Page 71, note 1, lines 7 and 12, for “Greville,” read “Grenville.”

Page 119, note 1, line 7, for “Montmorris,” read “Montmorin.”

Page 124, note 1, line 7, for “Betham's,” read “Botham's.”

Page 223, line 6, for “port,” read “part.”

On Tuesday, October the 7th, Mr. Rolleston came with Dr. Jackson to Mims, and stayed there till the next morning. We had a great deal of conversation respecting the times, the situation of Parties, and the general state of the country. I told him that, considering the bad success of our arms on the continent during the last campaign, the Administration could not meet Parliament with much satisfaction; that, however desirable Peace must be, I flatterd myself Mr. Fox would act with moderation and discretion in bringing forward any motion with a view of obtaining it; that I thought his plan should be, to lament the present circumstances of the country, rather than boast his having foretold them; and by recommending rather than dictating a different line of conduct he might conciliate many respectable persons both in and out of Parliament, who were already weary of a war so little likely to prove successful.