These Memorandums were not begun to be set down till July 1780, consequently many things of some consequence or at least interesting to myself may be omitted.

In March 1774 Lord, then Mr., Onslow came to me to inform me that in order to accommodate the Ks service some arrangement was to take place in order to gratify Sr Wm Meredith, newly come over from opposition. That it was wished my father would resign his place of Chief Justice in Eyre north of Trent (retire upon a pension), in which case Lord Pelham, then Comptroller of the Household, would be appointed in his room, and his lordship white staff be given to Sr William ; that at the same time I was to be brought into Parliament. I immediately went to my father, who did not much approve the plan; but, seeing my wish to come into the H. of Commons, merely to oblige me consented. The arrangement took place, and Capt. Cornwallis, who wished as much to quit as I did to enter the House of Commons, vacated his seat for Eye, in Suffolk, and I was chose in his room.

Having upon Thursday, Jan. 27, resigned my office of Lord Chamberlain to the Queen, who behaved in the kindest and most gracious manner, and who condescended to express the most flattering concern upon the occasion, I went the next day to the K's Levee, and afterwards had an audience. I told his Majesty it was the first time it ever gave me pain to enter his closet; that the step I had taken far from proceeding from any fractious motive arose merely from my ardent desire for his prosperity; that tho I had a very high opinion of some still remaining in his administration, yet there were othersf whose removal I humbly conceived necessary for his service ; that I flattered myself such removals would have taken place during the recess, but that not being the case, as I could not profess supporting those men I so much disapproved, I thought it incumbent on me to resign my place, the former appoint' ment to which I should always look upon as the greatest honour; and that I flattered myself if any unforseen misfortune should arise in the country I could serve his Majesty more effectually in the country than by remaining about Court.

In Feb. 1781, Mr. Burke1 brought the same economical bill into the H. of Commons as in the last session of the late Parl.; it was however negatived en the question of committment by 233 to 190; neither Col, Barré nor Mr. Dunning were present. Mr. W. Pitt, son of the late Lord Chatham, began his Parliamentary career on tills occasion with one of the finest speeches ever rememberd.

The election for Helston was by the committee again decided against us; and on March 8 Lord Godolphin told me that Lord North was against us, declaring that he lookd upon me as his personal enemy, that he considerd Ld G. as not likely to live long, and that he would not permit me to recover the family interest in that borough. I immediately wrote him a letter inclosing my commission of Captain and Keeper of Doal Castle, which I had received from him in 1778, and which I thought myself obliged to resign, considering the unjust light in which his Lordship chose to look upon me.

On Monday, Feb. 4, the D. of Richmond, agreeable to what he had said on the Thursday before, moved an address to the Crown for several papers to be laid before the House relative to civil as well as military Government at this time observed in America ; the debate, however, almost entirely turned upon the execution of Isaac Haynes, a Rebel Colonel. I had no doubts, myself, with regard to the justice of the sentence, but voted for the address from a desire of information on many other subjects included in it.

Previous to the debate, Lord Shelburne apologized to me for my not seeing him a few days before when I call'd, and told nae he had given orders for me to be let in at all times when he was at home; he mentioned he had much to say-to me in private. He knew we agreed upon one very important point (objecting to the independence of America), and told me he had seen Lord Rockingham but could not bring him to the point he wish'd. Lord Coventry desired to speak with me in the P's Chamber. When we came there he repeated his wishes of union amongst the Opposition, and shewed me a motion he proposed soon to make.

On Wednesday, March 20, a motion similar to those alreadymade by Lord John Cavendish and Sir John Rous was to have been made in the H. of Commons by Lord Surry, but was prevented by Lord North informing the House that the K's ministers were to be changed, and only remained in till their successors could be appointed, and therefore moved the House to adjourn till Monday, when he in a manner assured them a new ministry would be formed.

Nothing appeared settled for some days, tho' the Chancellor had seen Ld Rockingham by the Ks order, and Ld Shelburne had been to His Majesty. On Tuesday La Sh. came to Ld Rm from the K. to desire him to make an arrangement; this proceeding was certainly meant to create a difference between those two noblemen. However, this expedient failed and a list of the proposed cabinet was agreed upon, to which his Majesty made no objection.

Le 10 de Fevrier j'ai eu l'honneur d'être presenté au Roi en qualité de son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et Plenipotentiare pres sa Majesté tres Chretienne, le meme jour Monsieur Fawkener fut nommé secretaire d'Ambassade, nous allâmes deja depuis quelque terns tous les jours au bureau de Milord Grantham (secretaire d'Etat aiant le departement des affaires etrangeres) pour lire les differentes correspondances qui pouvoient nous etres utiles en nous fournissant les instructions necessaires pour la commission dont nous vinmes d'etre chargés. J'ai commencé par celle de M. Grenville, qui fut envoié en France pendant le ministere de M. Fox, le printems passé pour entamer une negociation avec la cour de Versailles et generalement avec toutes les puissances belligerantes.

M. Le Comte de Vergennes Ministre d'Etat aiant le department des affaires etrangeres, etoit le ministre avec lequel M. Grenville devoit naturellement avoir affaire, ce seigneur paroit avoir beaucoup des talens necessaires pour former un grand politique; sous un dehors froid il possede une grande etendue de connoissances, avec une certaine façon de parler extrement mesurée, quoique toujours remplie de proffessions de franchise et de la sincerité. Les premieres conferences ne donnoient pas lieu de se flatter que l'affaire pût se terminer bientôt, un certain hauteur de la part du Ministre Français semblait au contraire annoncer des difficultés presque impossibles è vaincre.

On Monday, Feb. 17, on the question relative to the Prelimry ministry carried it only by 13 votes, including proxys, in the H. of Lds, and were beat in the H. of comm8 224 to 208. On the Fryday following they were again beat in the H. of Comms 207 to 190.

On the Wednesday evig., Feb. 19, I shewed the draught of a letter I proposed sending to Ld Grantham to his Lp. and Ld Shelburne relative to my wish to resign the Embassy to France in case of a change of Ministers. Ld Sh. desired I would not make up my mind yet, and begged I would trust him in the course of my determination on the present very delicate situation of public affairs. The next day I dined at his house. I could not help expressing my surprize to Ld Grantham at the conduct of Lord Shelburne, which appeared to me totally devoid of spirit and inconsistent with the opinion I had entertained of his Lps activity of mind, particularly on occasions that called for vigorous measures. Ld G. perfectly agreed with me, as did the D. of Rutland, with whom I had some conversation on the same subject. I afterwards just mentioned confidentially to La Sh. that I had my doubts a certain person might not be acting a fair part towards him. He appeared struck at my suggestion, and only answered, “You know him.”

The King press'd Mr. Pitt to take the lead in a new arrangement to be formed. Mr. P. humbly represented his apprehensions at the idea of so arduous an undertaking, and wished to decline it; but the King renewing his solicitation, Mr. P. said he would look about to find what support he had to expect from such as were not exceptionable (for reasons which must prevent his acting with them), and endeavour, if possible, to obey his Mys commands.

I had an audience of the K. and thanked his M. for the honour he had done me in appointing me his Amb. to Fr. but begged to represent the very unpleasant situation I should find myself in at Versailles, being sent by those who had so strongly reprobated the preliminary Arties upon which the Defin. Tr. must be founded, H. M. saw the awkward situation I should be in, and only desired me to wait till something was settled, which he assured me was far from being the case; that he had wished to have a neutral person at the head of the Treasury, but however, having at length consented to the D. of P.s nomination, he had desired Ld N. would bring him an answer in two days, but that as yet he had received no answer. H. M. observed he thought neither Lord N. or Mr. Fox had done themselves much honour by the coalition.

On Wednesday, March 26th, I went to the K.s Levee. I was told the D. of Portland was there (but did not see him) tho H. M. spoke but little to him, and his Grace retired soon. Ld Shelburne had a long conference with the K. and soon after he came out of the closet informed me he had resigned, that he had postponed actually taking that step in order to give the K. time if possible to form an administration, and to see if the Debate in the H. of Cs would produce any new lights on that subject. Mr. Pitt had a short conference, and on coming out of the closet told me he had thought himself obliged to decline His Mys proposal of his taking the place of First Minister, as he could not see a probability of a firm support, or at present any appearance of a want of union among the coalescing parties; that he had in the debate on Mondayx in the H. of C. purposely endeavoured to collect the real wishes of the independent part of the House, but not finding any reason to expect a substantial support from thence he should think it inconsistent with his duty to the King or to the public service, as well as highly detrimental to his own character as well as his future views, to undertake under the present aspect of affairs so weighty a charge as the Govt of the country.

Having been informed in the morning by Sir Charlton Leighton that matters were finally adjusted with the D. of P., Ld N., and Mr. F., and that they were to kiss hands on this day, I immediately dressed and went to Court. The new Ministers were there. I waited in another room while the Council met, and immediately afterwards had the honour of an audience. His M. received me in the most gracious manmer, and before I could say a word began by assuring me how sorry he was for what he had been obliged to do the preceding evening, but which he thought a measure of absolute necessity as the H. of Commons had not taken any steps to prevent it. On the Monday before he told me he was determined to stay till that Debate was over. That last night (Tuesday 1st) he sent at seven to Ld N. to come at half past 10, for, says His M. though you know I do not love late visits I was determined to shew I was in no hurry to receive him, that upon Ld N.s producing the list of the Cabinet the K. asked if those were the persons the D. and he had agreed to name.

I went up to Town from Mims on Fry day, June 13, and the next morning called upon Ld Temple, who returned the Thursday before from Ireland. His Lp. was not at home, but the next morning, Sunday the 15, he called upon me about one and stayed till near three; he told me he had found Ireland in a most extraordinary situation on his arrival there, scarcely any appearance of Government, the D. of Portland, his predecessor, having thrown everything into the hands of the volunteers, that Mr. O'Birne governed the Duke by means of the Duchess, and that he Ld T. found it a very difficult task to prevent many serious consequences arising to Govt from the state in which that country had been left at the end of the Portland administration.

Late at night on Thursday Dec. 18, 1783, His Majesty sent for the Seals of both the Departments, with orders for them to be delivered up to him by the Under Secretaries, which was immediately done; the next morning Mr. Pitt was appointed First Commissioner of the Treasury, Earl Temple Secretary of State (holding both departments till some one should be named to that of Foreign Affairs), and Earl Gower President of the Council; Lord Hertford resigned the Chamberlains staff the same day. On Saturday, the 20, I dined at Lord Temple's; the company was numerous; Ld Gower, Ld Thurlow, Mr. Pitt, the Duke of Dorset, Duke of Bridgewater, Lord Grantley, Duke of Richmond, and several others were there: the principal characters seemed remarkably thoughtful, and I apprehended something unpleasant had happened but could by no means devine what it was; the Duke of Dorset remarked to me before we sat down to table that he feared a want of resolution in the new Ministers.

No appearance of the two Northern Crowns going to war after the Swedish plan being detected, and the consequent declaration of Russia in favour of Denmark.

In case, however, this event should soon take place, Russia might fully answer every purpose of defensive alliance in support of Denmark, unless France should think proper to join Sweden, and in that case, independent of any new connection, could England suffer a French fleet on the Baltic, without sending a strong force there likewise ?

The suffering Denmark to be in any case overpowered by Sweden would be in fact sacrificing the North to the Views of France. Only general assurances of the Friendly Disposition of England towards Denmark. That wee flatter ourselves the Hostile Designs of Sweden are laid aside, which, had they been carried into execution, could not by any means have been looked upon with indifference by this Court. The Friendly declaration of Eussia towards Denmark has given great pleasure to the King; the respectable assistance of that Power would doubtless have been infinitely more than sufficient to have defeated the ambitious projects of Sweden.

The most desirable object without doubt would be an alliance (defensive at least) with Austria and Russia. I wish to look upon Denmark as a sure Friend, unless neglect on our part drives her from motives of necessity rather than choice into the hands of our enemies.

If either the impracticability or even difficulty attending our forming any solid and substantial connection with the Emperor should render it advisable to turn our attention to another Power (in order to avoid any delay which might be dangerous in respect to the necessary measure of a Continental alliance), Prussia2 is naturally the Point to which our views must be directed; it will be necessary however at all events to consider the connection of these two Powers, I mean Austria and Prussia, so far as they are likely to be affected by them, in the course of any negotiation which may be undertaken on the part of England with a view to securing their Friendship, or in case of necessity their assistance.

If Denmark is attacked by Sweden we must defend Denmark, for we cannot see Norway in the hands of Sweden.

Copenhagen is the entrance and key of the Baltick, thro' which all naval stores must pass—of great importance, therefore, whether we want them for ourselves, or wish to keep them from our Enemys.

The Danes have the best regulated Marine of any of the Northern Powers.

They have no other natural Enemy than Sweden—with Sweden they are able to cope by themselves, and would, if attacked from that Quarter, prefer our pecuniary to our effective assistance.

Russia also would join them, and we run no risk of embarking in a war for Denmark if she is attacked by Sweden alone; if France seconds Sweden we must in that case be engaged in it whether we have or have not an alliance with Denmark.

Proposals for this Alliance should be made under great Secrecy, and no communication of the intended connection made to any Power whatever till it is too far advanced to be broken off.

The strongest Reason to believe the Emperor and France act in concert both with respect to the difference with Holland and the projected Bavarian Exchange.

How far a direct explanation with the Emperor Himself may be expedient, in order to ascertain what probability there may be of deriving any advantage from a professed acquiescence in any future views of that Prince.

Appearances of a very important change in Holland, Ger. likely to be brought over. Necessary to assure the leading Patriots that England is above harbouring any personal resentment against V. B—I.

The Prussian Plan to endeavour to effect a union between The Stadtholders and the Patriotic Party and to crush the French Interest in the Republic.