This Congress has been conducted in a crucible. The problems that demanded consideration were the most momentous since the war years. These tangible burdens, weighty and perplexing enough when taken separately, served in the aggregate and under the conditions of the time to test in most exacting fashion the very governmental system itself. The adequacy of Congress as a satisfactory political institution was at stake. Was the presidential system as such competent or even capable of meeting its responsibilities? The leadership of Congress during the special session was sustained in large measure by the impetus to action engendered by the economic crisis. But weaknesses in the congressional structure, hidden by the unifying effect of the emergency period, appeared clearly during the second session. What were the elements affecting Congress as a law-making body, and how did the presidential system withstand the strains of this second session?

Since this annual survey was inaugurated in 1927, it has been observed that activity in the amendment of constitutions is greater in even years than in odd years. Only eight states (California, Michigan, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, South Carolina, Virginia, and Wisconsin) changed their fundamental law in 1927. In 1928, the number rose to eighteen (Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, North Carolina, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Texas, and Virginia).

The Securities Act of 1933 marks the inauguration for the United States of what seems to be a consistent policy toward private loans to foreign governments. In view of the continued importance of such loans in our foreign relations, it appears appropriate to consider in some detail how the new policy differs from the old, and what its implications are likely to be.

It is unnecessary in this journal to discuss the individual cases of friction arising from private loans to foreign governments during the last fifty years. What concerns us, rather, is the cause of such friction.

In the December, 1933, issue of the REVIEW (pp. 942–955) appeared a tabular view of the changes in major units of the national government between March 4 and November 1, 1933. The list below brings the enumeration to March 15,1934. As in the previous list, mention is made only of units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order under general authority vested in him. There are also boards, corporations, and committees subordinate or advisory to the units listed.

Policies of large corporations relating to the control of patents taken out by employees naturally vary in detail with the different companies. Certain general policies, however, are usually followed.

Some companies place no restrictions upon the taking out of patents by their employees, but as a general rule they retain the shop right to manufacture for themselves any articles which they can use. These companies pay the cost of securing the patent for the employee, and the patent is taken out in his name. The company allows the employee to sell the patent to any one he chooses, but he grants to his company the right to use the idea.

The extent and variety of governmental action in the United States in 1933 invite the observer to search out those developments which are a continuation of the old, those which are novel, and those which may be termed transitional. Hence he becomes the central figure in Mr. Chesterton's game of “Bury the Prophet.”

National Governmental Functions. The shrinkage of state and local incomes from the yield of the general property taxes and the limited yields from other forms of taxation as the depression deepened left the national government as the most available instrument through which collective action could be taken.

The Supreme Court has at last passed squarely upon the broad powers of the Federal Radio Commission over the business of broadcasting and has upheld them in a sweeping manner in the case of Federal Radio Commission v. Nelson Bros. Bond & Mortgage Co. The general authority conferred on the Commission by the act of 1927 was enlarged in 1928 by provisions directing the Commission to maintain as great equality as possible in the allocating of broadcasting licenses among the zones created and further to distribute such licenses fairly and reasonably to the states within each zone according to population. In 1930, it appeared that Illinois had 55 per cent more than its quota of stations, while Indiana had 22 per cent under its quota. The Commission assigned to station WJKS at Gary, Indiana, operating rights on a frequency theretofore used by two Chicago stations. One of these, operated commercially by the respondent, used much National Broadcasting Company program material; the other, operated by the North Shore Church of Chicago, broadcast only religious programs. The effect of the order was to rule these stations off the air. It appeared that the Gary station had suffered from interference, and was furthermore equipped to serve its audiences with programs of unique interest.

The failure of the recent attempt to impeach the late Governor Horton of Tennessee is of particular interest to students of political science because of the grounds upon which the failure to impeach was justified. The main reason given by many members of the legislature was a constitutional one, namely, that an officer cannot be impeached during his second term of office for high crimes and misdemeanors committed during his first term. Considerable doubt remains as to the soundness of this position, many people thinking that the explanation given was a clever excuse but one that would not justify the failure to impeach. It is interesting, therefore, to ascertain if, in impeachment trials where this point has arisen, a similar position has been taken either by legislative bodies or by the courts.

In the December, 1933, issue of the REVIEW, pp. 942–955, appeared a tabular review of the changes in major units of the national government between March 4 and November 1, 1933. In the April, 1934, issue, pp. 250–254, appeared a supplementary list showing the changes between November 1, 1933, and March 1, 1934. The present list indicates the reorganization effected and new units created between March 15 and June 30,1934. As in previous lists, mention is made of units only specifically authorized by law or established by the President under general authority vested in him.

This study of aggressive behavior by clients on public relief in Chicago in 1932–33 is intended to be relevant to two supplementary kinds of political theory. In so far as relations are found between economic changes and political activity, the findings bear upon the theory of political equilibrium, which seeks to state the general conditions under which political changes occur. In so far as relations are found which bear upon the diffusion of specific political symbols and practices, the results are pertinent to theories of political development, which emphasize the time-bound aspects of political change.

Political meetings constitute one of the means employed by the Negro political leaders in Chicago to develop and maintain party morale. The Republican rallies in the second and third wards are unique affairs, not to be duplicated in other parts of the city. The political meetings have taken over some of the patterns of religious revivals or camp meetings. A party gathering which is not packed and which does not stir up an emotional response is looked upon as very unusual. The audience is attentive, enthusiastic, patient, good natured, and content to sit for many hours on uncomfortable seats. When a speaker says something which strikes a popular chord, the listeners shout, clap, or wave programs, hats, or hands in the air.

In spite of the effort to “conserve the past,” there were signs by the end of 1932 that the French body politic was undergoing more than passing tension and strain. By that time the impact of economic depression, slow in reaching France, had, in popular parlance, reached “crisis” proportions; and while crisis is a label which Frenchmen are prone to accord promiscuously to each and every change of ministries, it was gradually coming to connote something analogous in seriousness to the monetary disturbances which culminated in the near-collapse of 1925–26.

The meeting of the Seventy-third Congress five days after President Roosevelt's inauguration marked the twenty-fifth time in our history that a special session has been called. Critical times have been faced before and remedial measures found, but the hundred days of this session are unparalleled for the speed and discipline with which Congress was brought to face and finish its task, for the political adroitness and firmness of the presidential leadership, and for the extraordinary importance and far-reaching effects of the legislation enacted. With the substantive merits and contents of the measures passed we are not concerned here, but in this session the legislative process is as worthy of consideration as the legislative product.

New Hampshire is the eleventh state to establish a system of state liquor stores. Other states may try the same solution of their liquor problem when legislatures meet in 1935. What are some of the initial administrative problems encountered in organization and operation of state liquor stores?

Before answering this question on the basis of New Hampshire's experience, it will be well to examine the political and legal background of the liquor situation in this state. New Hampshire was one of the so-called “drier” states. It had sampled a modified state prohibition in the latter half of the nineteenth century, liberalized this through licensing in the first part of the present century, and finally returned to prohibition before national prohibition was adopted. The state appeared reasonably well satisfied with prohibition until the national tide turned so strongly against it about 1930.

Spanish and Cuban events during the past three years, and the recent labor disputes on the Pacific coast, have once again brought the general strike into the limelight. The abdication of King Alphonso and the flight of President Machado showed the potentialities of a successful general strike when labor faces the revolutionary logic of that weapon. The San Francisco débacle proved the futility of that method when labor refuses to admit its revolutionary implications.

Among the institutional elements of civic cohesion, the civil service—national, state, and local—has stood out for generations as one of the most influential forces in German life. Though never the actual “governor of Germany,” it was universally rec-ognized as the instrument of government. Its devotion and efficiency were not only highly regarded by the community, but also looked upon by foreign observers as Germany's greatest contribution in the field of political organization and as an encouraging example for the whole world.