Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-pjpqr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-24T03:44:21.240Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Revolutionary Logic of the General Strike

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2013

Wilfrid H. Crook
Wilfrid H. Crook
Affiliation:
Bucknell University Junior College
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Spanish and Cuban events during the past three years, and the recent labor disputes on the Pacific coast, have once again brought the general strike into the limelight. The abdication of King Alphonso and the flight of President Machado showed the potentialities of a successful general strike when labor faces the revolutionary logic of that weapon. The San Francisco débacle proved the futility of that method when labor refuses to admit its revolutionary implications.

Type
Political Behavior
Information
American Political Science Review , Volume 28 , Issue 4 , August 1934 , pp. 655 - 663
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1934

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 E. T. Hiller, The Strike, Chap, xx; Sorel, , Reflections on Violence, pp. 2, 136Google Scholar.

2 In Lagardelle, , La grève génerale et le socialisme, pp. 97–99Google Scholar.

3 Roland-Holst, Generalstreik und Sozialdemokratie; Sombart, , Der Proletarische Sozialismus, II, p. 241Google Scholar; Trotsky, , Russland in der Revolution, p. 228Google Scholar.

4 Syndicalisn., p. 61.

5 Spargo, , Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism, and Socialism, Appendix, p. 216Google Scholar.

6 Cortesi, S., Independent, Dec. 15, 1904, p. 1390Google Scholar.

7 A. G. Cameron, then chairman of the Labor party's executive committee, was even more explicit in his speech. “If the day should come,” he said, “when we do take this action, and if the powers that be endeavor to interfere too much, we may be compelled to do things that will cause them to abdicate, and to tell them that if they cannot run the country in a peaceful and humane manner without interfering with the lives of other nations, we will be compelled, even against all constitutions, to chance whether we cannot do something to take the country into our own hands for our own people.” Cf. the Council of Action, Report of Special Conference on Labor and the Russo-Polish War, pp. 16, 18.

8 Crook, W. H., The General Strike, pp. 124–138Google Scholar.

9 March 29, 1919.

10 Boston Herald, Feb. 17, 1919.

11 Hansard, May 3, 1926, col. 123.

12 “Although denials were made that this was a struggle against the government, it obviously was such a struggle. The mine-owners were rot affected by a strike of men other than miners. It therefore was a struggle to compel the government to take action.” Railway Review, June 18, 1926, p. 3Google Scholar.

13 Sheetmetal Workers' Quarterly, Oct., 1926, quoted in Postgate, , A Workers' History of the Great Strike, p. 34Google Scholar.

Submit a response

Comments

No Comments have been published for this article.