This article investigates legislators’ willingness to talk about gender and women during policy making discussions, asking whether it is conditional on their sex or partisanship in environments where party discipline does not constrain their speech. The Canadian Senate offers a case of a legislature with low or absent party discipline. A quantitative content analysis of nearly 1,000 Senate committee meetings confirms that sex is a primary indicator of legislators’ inclination to talk about gender and women. Moreover, women senators who sit on committees with a critical mass of women members (30% or greater) are more likely to talk about gender and women, making the case for the importance of women’s descriptive representation. Partisanship and independence had no significant effect on senators’ propensity to discuss women. The findings suggest that partisanship does not constrain legislators’ representation of women in environments with low party discipline.

This study explores vulnerability narratives used in relation to older adults and others during the COVID-19 pandemic. A mixed-method content analysis was conducted of 391 articles published in two major newspapers in Canada and the USA during the first wave of the pandemic. The findings indicated that during the early months of the pandemic, limited attention was directed towards its impact on older adults or other ‘vulnerable’ subpopulations in both countries. Where evident, intrinsic (individual-level) risk factors were most consistently used to frame the vulnerability of older adults. In contrast, vulnerability was more likely to be framed as structural with regard to other subpopulations (e.g., ethno-racial minorities). These narratives also differed somewhat in Canadian and US newspapers. The framing of older adults as intrinsically vulnerable reflects ageist stereotypes and promotes downstream policy interventions. Greater attention is needed to the role of structural factors in influencing pandemic-related outcomes among older adults.

Since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Syrians have faced violence and displacement causing an increase in mental health issues. The COVID-19 pandemic, the 2023 earthquake, and deteriorating living conditions have exacerbated these issues. Suicide in Syria remains an under-researched topic since accurate data are difficult to obtain. In this study, we aimed to explore the demographics and risk factors of suicide in Syria by performing a retrospective content analysis of selected online news (media) outlets from across Syria. Twelve news outlets from the three regions of Syria were selected and news of suicide cases were searched retrospectively. The age range was between 9 and 79 years old with the average age being 27.1 ± SD 5.9 years. The most reported causes of suicide were harsh living conditions (18.5%) and relationship problems (18.3%). The most common method of suicide was hanging followed by using firearms. More suicides occurred at night and in the summer and spring seasons. Based on our study’s results, young adult, male, unmarried, individuals in rural settings and northern governorates were at the highest risk of suicide in Syria. This study highlights the urgent need for mental health interventions that address the unique challenges faced by Syrians.

Suicide notes are an important warning sign for suicidal behaviors. The aim of this exploratory research is (a) to contribute to understanding the place of suicide notes in the spectrum of suicidal behaviors in Portugal, and (b) to analyze the content remembered by individuals regarding a suicide note. Two complementary studies were carried out. In the first, a quantitative investigation, the statistical relationship of writing a suicide note: To the occurrence of lifetime suicide attempts, to lifetime self-harming behaviors, and to suicidal ideation in the two weeks prior to the assessment was evaluated. In the second study, a qualitative investigation, the content recalled by individuals regarding a suicide note was analyzed. In the quantitative study, 841 adults aged between 18 and 65 years, and 1,012 young adults participated. In the qualitative study, 18 young adults participated. Findings of the quantitative study reveal that writing a suicide note significantly related to the lifetime presence of a suicide attempt and to self-harming behaviors and to suicidal ideation in the two weeks prior to the assessment. Findings of the qualitative study suggest that individuals who have written suicide notes exhibit a significant self-oriented focus, yet they also demonstrate a strong sense of concern for the survivors.

Analyzing the appearances of political figures in large-scale news archives is increasingly important with the growing availability of large-scale news archives and developments in computer vision. We present a deep learning-based method combining face detection, tracking, and classification, which is particularly unique because it does not require any re-training when targeting new individuals. Users can feed only a few images of target individuals to reliably detect, track, and classify them. Extensive validation of prominent political figures in two news archives spanning 10 to 20 years, one containing three U.S. cable news and the other including two major Japanese news programs, consistently shows high performance and flexibility of the proposed method. The codes are made readily available to the public.

Administrative tribunal judges determine rights and entitlements regarding bureaucratic decisions. In immigration appeal cases, they review negative decisions of permanent residency acquisition and family reunification. Based on an analysis of all immigration appeal decisions in Canada’s Quebec province over a period of twenty-three years, we find that tribunal judges confirm the bureaucratic decision in the vast majority of cases, noting the migrants’ inability to meet the annual income requirements, and rarely reverse the decision in favour of migrants. Documenting the marginal contribution of tribunal judges to promoting administrative justice, this article contributes to the debate on whether and how courts can advance immigrants’ rights.

Studies inspired by the varieties of capitalism (VoC) approach suggest that in coordinated market economies, some employer associations support public social policies to encourage the workforce to invest in company and industry-specific skills (VoC thesis). Yet the VoC thesis remains disputed. We present and assess an alternative thesis that builds on employers’ interest in the protection of labor supply (labor supply thesis). We test the labor supply thesis using a systematic content analysis of 370 press releases issued from 2002 to 2017 and find evidence of moderate employer support for more labor-activating social policies and less labor-protective social policies. Moreover, the analysis shows a decline in preference heterogeneity, with the positions of the four German employer associations converging toward the end of the period analyzed. Our findings have theoretical and methodological implications: First, they point to the relevance of labor supply as a source of employers’ social policy preferences. Second, they point to the need for a more systematic measurement of employer policy positions to be able to compare positions accurately.

Ocean literacy (OL) proposes to include ocean and marine environment-related content in school curricula. Such a topic has been deemed effective for citizens to develop actions and attitudes towards the health of marine ecosystems. This study aimed to verify the presence and frequency of OL principles and concepts in the Brazilian high school curriculum at the federal (National Curricular Parameters-PCN) and regional (Rio de Janeiro - Curricular Reference-RC) levels. Both PCN and RC contained OL-related content. Moreover, Biology and Geography were the subjects with the highest numbers of OL concepts, both in the PCN (26 and 27, respectively) and in the RC-RJ documents (28 and 24, respectively), while OL concepts were very little represented in History subject. A Mann–Whitney U-test did not indicate statistically significant differences in the number of concepts between PCN and RC-RJ (p = 0.54). A principal component analysis discriminated the documents according to subjects, regardless of their origin (federal or regional). These results provide an unbiased assessment of the relationship between the curriculum and OL in a strongly affected area (Rio de Janeiro State coastal zone [CZ]). Therefore, these results provide valuable support for managers seeking to promote effective CZ management practices and public compliance.

This paper addresses the positions of unions and employer associations towards the level of unemployment benefits and active labour market policy (ALMP). These are prominent examples of social compensation and social investment policies respectively. The new dataset ‘Reform Monitor on Political Conflict’ (ReMoPo) is based on expert interviews and a systematic text analysis of all relevant press releases. Over a time-span of 14 years (2000-2014) the data clearly shows conflict between social partners on the level of unemployment benefits whilst there is consensus towards ALMP. I show that, for unemployment benefits, different motivations do lead to different positions. However, for ALMP, different motivations combine with overlapping interests, resulting in a common positive stance. The main theoretical implications of these findings were two-fold: firstly, the type of organisation does not predict positioning on welfare state issues, whereas pragmatic considerations do. Secondly, I suspect that the divergence of motivational factors combined with a consensus towards particular measures is specific to the concept of social investment. This is because social investments (training and qualification measures in this case) were expected to have the most far-reaching and long-lasting positive effects on both individuals and companies and were therefore supported by unions and employer associations.

Parties usually argue in favour or against a government coalition based on party considerations in terms of projected policy implementation, power in office and vote maximization – that is, the ‘policy, office, votes’ triad. So far, however, it remains unclear which claims mainstream parties invoke to motivate their choice to rule or not rule with populist parties. Adopting the ‘policy, voter, office’ triad, this article examines mainstream parties' Twitter claims on ruling with populist parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands (2006–2021, N = 1,919). Mainstream parties mainly reject ruling with (mostly radical right) populist parties. To justify unwillingness, policy-based motives referring to the populist parties' extremist nature trump motives on office-seeking and vote maximization. To justify willingness, predominantly office-seeking motivations are invoked. Party characteristics (ideology, incumbency status, size) and context, however, shape these claims. This study sheds light on mainstream parties' patterns of political communication on coalition formation with populist parties.