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The marginal case of the decolonisation of Comoros has gained little attention from historians of Africa. By tracing the evolution of the Mouvement de libération nationale des Comores (MOLINACO) around East Africa's Indian Ocean basin, this article explores the possibilities and constraints of anticolonial organisation among a diaspora population whose own existence was threatened by the more exclusive political order that emerged from the process of decolonisation. In Tanganyika, Zanzibar, Kenya, and Madagascar, MOLINACO's activities were shaped and limited by contested issues of racial identity, island genealogy, partisan alignment, and international priorities among both the Comorian diaspora and their ‘host’ governments. Through a transterritorial approach, this article examines the difficulties for minority communities in navigating the transition from empire to nation-state, while also illustrating the challenges MOLINACO faced in its ultimately unsuccessful attempt to impose that same normative model onto the archipelago.
Knowledge on cheetah population densities across their current range is limited. Therefore, new and efficient assessment tools are needed to gain more knowledge on species distribution, ecology and behaviour. Scat detection dogs have emerged as an efficient and non-invasive method to monitor elusive and vulnerable animal species, like cheetahs, due to the dog’s superior olfactory system. However, the success of locating scat using detection dogs can be significantly improved under suitable weather conditions. We examined the impact of temperature, humidity and wind speed on detection rates of scat from cheetahs during a scat detection dog survey in Northern Kenya. We found that average wind speed positively influences the scat detection rate of detection dogs working on leash. Humidity showed no significant influence. Temperature showed a strong negative correlation with humidity and thus was excluded from our model analyses. While it is likely that wind speed is especially invalid for dogs working off leash, this study did not demonstrate this. Wind speed could thus influence the success of monitoring cheetahs or other target species. Our findings help to improve the survey and thus maximise the coverage of study area and the collection of target samples of elusive and rare species.
This study’s goal was to determine the perceived risks of infection as well as the perceived risks of hospitalization and death from COVID-19 in Ecuador and Kenya. It also assessed the factors associated with the risk-related perceptions.
Cross-sectional studies with samples from the adult populations in both countries were conducted to assess the perceived risks of contracting COVID-19. Data were collected online using the Qualtrics platform (Qualtrics, Provo, Utah, United States) from samples of 1050 heads of households, aged 18 years or older, in each country. A total of 3 statistical analyses were conducted: summary statistics, correlation, and linear regression.
The average perceived risks of COVID-19 infection, hospitalization, and death in the Kenyan sample were 27.1%, 43.2%, and 17.2%, respectively, and the values for the Ecuadorian sample were 34%, 32.8%, and 23.3%, respectively. The Pearson’s correlation coefficients between the risk measures in each country were less than 0.38. Risk measures were associated with several sociodemographic variables (e.g., income, gender, location), but not with age.
The perceived risks of COVID-19 infection, hospitalization, and death in Kenya and Ecuador were significantly higher relative to the statistics reported; however, no strong association existed between perceived risk and age, which is a key factor in adverse health outcomes, including death, among COVID-19 infected individuals.
Globally, health providers and patients alike have been forced to adapt rapidly to the use of telemedicine during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although telepsychiatry has been tested and found just as effective as face-to-face care, there still remains little uptake of this form of care provision in sub-Saharan Africa. This case study highlights the use of telepsychiatry in a previously telemedicine-naive private mental health facility in Kenya. We describe the challenges and lessons learned from the experience. We conclude on the need to test the effectiveness and acceptability of this mode of therapy in sub-Saharan Africa.
The chapter analyses the historical evolution of state-Salafi relations in Mali, Mauritania, and Kenya between the late 1980s and today. It outlines the consequences of the absence of organizational gatekeepers in the Islamic sphere. Mali, Mauritania, and Kenya became radicalizers of their domestic Salafi communities.
The chapter analyses the historical evolution of state-Salafi relations in Mali, Mauritania, and Kenya between the 1950s and late 1980s. In these three countries critical junctures in the Islamic sphere remained absent. The chapter shows how post-independent governments supported Salafi activities. As a result the Salafi creed could spread unhindered.
People living with undiagnosed HIV are big contributors to the transmission of the virus. Although measures have been made to scale up HIV prevention and voluntary counselling and testing in sub-Saharan Africa, testing coverage remains low in many sub-Saharan African countries, including Mozambique and Kenya, where most people live with HIV/AIDS. Studies have shown that, in most countries in sub-Saharan Africa, men are less likely to test for HIV compared with women. This study examined the relationship between comprehensive HIV/AIDS knowledge and HIV testing among men in Kenya and Mozambique. Data were from the men’s re-code file of the Demographic and Health Surveys of Mozambique and Kenya. Binary logistic regression models were generated and the results presented as crude odds ratios (cOR) and adjusted odds ratios (aOR). The prevalences of HIV testing in Kenya and Mozambique were 80.1% and 46.7%, respectively. Men in Mozambique who had comprehensive HIV/AIDS knowledge (aOR=1.26, CI: 1.07–1.47) were more likely to test for HIV compared with their counterparts who had no comprehensive HIV/AIDS knowledge. In Kenya, men who had comprehensive HIV/AIDS knowledge (aOR=1.23, CI: 1.09–1.39) were more likely to test for HIV compared with their counterparts who had no comprehensive HIV/AIDS knowledge. This study found a statistically strong significant association between comprehensive HIV/AIDS knowledge and HIV testing among men in Kenya and Mozambique. To improve HIV testing rate among men, it is important that interventions are geared towards improving men’s comprehensive HIV/AIDS knowledge, perhaps by expanding HIV/AIDS education programmes and campaigns. This could improve HIV testing rates and ensure the realization of the global HIV/AIDS target of 95-95-95 by the year 2030.
This article analyses the dilemmas encountered in enforcing the Kenyan law on defilement, focusing specifically on consensual sex between adolescents. It argues that, although punishing adults who have sex with minors is clearly justified, punishment cannot be justified in the case of minors who engage in “experimental” sex with each other. It challenges the current legal regime that allows only one minor (male) to be charged, and not the other (female), noting that neither of the mutual participants would feel vindicated by punishing the other. Similarly, it shows that charging both participants also poses legal and policy challenges. Consequently, it argues that charging adolescents for defilement when they have consensual sex with each other goes against the very policy that informed the adoption of the anti-defilement provisions. The article recommends that Kenya's legislation is reformed to create a legal regime that protects juveniles from sexual violation without victimizing them.
The spread of COVID-19 has seen a contest over health governance and sovereignty in Global South states, with a focus on two radically distinct modes: (1) indicators and metrics and (2) securitisation. Indicators have been a vehicle for the government of states through the external imposition and internal self-application of standards and benchmarks. Securitisation refers to the calling-into-being of emergencies in the face of existential threats to the nation. This paper contextualises both historically with reference to the trajectory of Global South states in the decades after decolonisation, which saw the rise and decline of Third-World solidarity and its replacement by neoliberalism and global governance mechanisms in health, as in other sectors. The interaction between these modes and their relative prominence during COVID-19 is studied through a brief case-study of developments in Kenya during the early months of the pandemic. The paper closes with suggestions for further research and a reflection on parallel trends within Global North states.
Many scholars argue that the media can influence policymakers – determining the policy agenda, framing issues, prioritising issues and, on occasion, setting the policy as well. It could be, however, that skilled policymakers exploit the media, so that the media in fact reflects the issues that policymakers want debated. This then poses an important question of whether the media does indeed influence the public policy process. The topic of media influence is widely studied in consolidated democracies but there has been limited research in consolidating democracies. This paper addresses both of these gaps – through exploring the extent to which the media influences policymakers in Kenya, a country perceived to have a moderately free press and one in which a range of interest groups vie to influence government and thus with a media likely to carry a range of competing opinions.
A free and open discussion is always limited. It depends on specific linguistic conventions, forms of expression and norms of social engagement that make mutual understanding possible. Together with Chapter 4, this chapter explores the nature and scope of plural and open discussions in everyday Mombasa. They identify the possibilities and limits on how people might engage in public based on the specific characteristics of discussion. This chapter focuses on street parliaments, which are gatherings that form on the ground both in the central business district and in residential neighbourhoods. Together, these chapters make an important contribution to understanding the openness of publics in Mombasa. They not only show how everyday publics existed in Mombasa, but also differentiate between forms of exclusion. They show how some forms of exclusion prevented public discussion from taking place at all, while others constrained its openness but were refutable or contestable, such as gender.
The concluding chapter considers this book’s implications for understanding popular politics in Kenya and the study of publics. It emphasises how potential change through public discussion in urban Kenya is more precarious than ever. Change does not neatly follow from intentional efforts to alter the terms of debate. Features that contradicted normative visions have been crucial to the power of publics to change shared imaginaries, for instance, material insecurity or elite networks. Further, social media has brought its own challenges. The conclusion finally reflects on the implications of this book for engagement with Arendtian scholarship on publics. Everyday publics in Mombasa show deeper and more varied insights into publics are possible when extending Arendt's ideas to take into account the implications of colonialism, anti-colonial struggles and postcolonial contexts. It also argues there is a need for serious engagement with the particularities of digital technology, and how they provide for a disjuncture between experience and control in publics.
The introduction sets out the context and framework for exploring popular politics in Kenya in the 2010s. It begins by juxtaposing a dynamic political communication landscape, with protracted and familiar repertoires through which political differences are understood. From here, it lays out the purpose of the book: to make sense of how, and to what extent, everyday publics explain continuity and change in shared political imaginaries in Kenya. It considers conceptual resources in Africanist scholarship on publics that exist to help understand the power of everyday publics on the continent, and suggests a revision of Hannah Arendt’s ideas of the power of publics as a way expand this scholarship to better account for the power of everyday publics. Finally, it also introduces Mombasa’s people’s parliaments, everyday informal gatherings that are the empirical window through which Kenya’s popular politics are examined.
Chapter 6 interrogates how controversies over land affected the convening of public discussion on the ground in Mombasa in the 2010s. Land conflicts are longstanding in Kenya, with particular tensions on the Coast. They have been a central tenet in narratives of historical injustice, and have been instrumentalised by political elite for electoral gain. Kenya’s 2010 Constitution brought new conditions, actors and ambiguities into debates over land and citizen–state relations. Ambiguities over land had very real and distinct effects on Mombasa’s street parliaments. None of the gatherings observed occupied a clearly recognised and uncontested ‘public’ space, and none were without the threat of eviction. This chapter argues that ambiguity over the gatherings’ legal right to occupy space in the city could protect the street parliaments from state control. Their spontaneous and informal nature helped them to adapt to dynamic contentions over land.
Searching for a New Kenya analyses public discussion in urban Kenya, focusing on the gatherings of citizens, both in-person and online, where people discuss issues of common concern to shed light on the role public discussion plays in politics and how social media affects political movements. Through rich ethnographic study of politics on the ground and online in Mombasa, Stephanie Diepeveen brings a fresh perspective on the wider challenges and dynamics of negotiating political narratives across protracted historical debates and changing digital media. Based on a critical revision of Hannah Arendt's ideas about action and power, this study explores the different dynamics of public talk in practice. It contributes to wider debates about the place and limitations of the Western canon in relation to the study of politics elsewhere, while also offering a nuanced view of why and how certain terms of debate persist in Kenya, and where the potential for change lies for public talk across changing media.
In Kenya, debates about sexual orientation have assumed center stage at several points in recent years, but particularly before and after the promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya in 2010. These debates have been fueled by religious clergy and by politicians who want to align themselves with religious organizations for respectability and legitimation, particularly by seeking to influence the nation's legal norms around sexuality. I argue that through their responses and attempts to influence legal norms, the religious and political leaders are not only responsible for the nonacceptance of same-sex relationships in Africa, but have also ensured that sexuality and embodiment have become a cultural and religious battleground. These same clergy and politicians seek to frame homosexuality as un-African, unacceptable, a threat to African moral and cultural sensibilities and sensitivities, and an affront to African moral and family values. Consequently, the perception is that homosexuals do not belong in Africa—that they cannot be entertained, accommodated, tolerated, or even understood. Ultimately, I argue that the politicization and religionization of same-sex relationships in Kenya, as elsewhere in Africa, has masked human rights debates and stifled serious academic and pragmatic engagements with important issues around sexual difference and sexual orientation while fueling negative attitudes toward people with different sexual orientations.
Local Content and Sustainable Development in Global Energy Markets analyses the topical and contentious issue of the critical intersections between local content requirements (LCRs) and the implementation of sustainable development treaties in global energy markets including Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, Latin America, South America, Australasia and the Middle East While LCRs generally aim to boost domestic value creation and economic growth, inappropriately designed LCRs could produce negative social, human rights and environmental outcomes, and a misalignment of a country's fiscal policies and global sustainable development goals. These unintended outcomes may ultimately serve as disincentive to foreign participation in a country's energy market. This book outlines the guiding principles of a sustainable and rights-based approach – focusing on transparency, accountability, gender justice and other human rights issues – to the design, application and implementation of LCRs in global energy markets to avoid misalignments.