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This chapter presents the book’s third case study, exploring how state transformation shapes China’s international development financing (DF) policymaking and implementation. DF is often seen as an instrument of economic statecraft, strategically deployed to advance China’s geopolitical interests. Contrarily, we show that authority and policymaking is fragmented and contested among central agencies, producing weak oversight for implementing state-owned enterprises, which have primarily pecuniary motives and scant regard for official Chinese diplomatic goals. DF projects thus emerge not from a ‘top-down’ strategy but in a ‘bottom-up’ way, reflecting the agency of buccaneering SOEs and recipient-country elites. The outcomes of DF projects – and whether they benefit China’s international relations – depend on how the specific interests on both sides intersect, as we show through comparative case studies of hydropower development in Cambodia and Myanmar. In Cambodia, Chinese DF was managed by a dominant-party regime in ways that bolstered its domination, generating warmer ties with Beijing. In Myanmar, however, socio-political fragmentation meant that similar projects exacerbated social conflict and even sparked renewed civil war, prompting a crisis in bilateral relations.
The backdrop to this chapter is the West’s response to the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia in 1979 and the debates over where, how, and with what partners NGOs should intervene in the region. The chapter argues that states and international organisations played a central role in setting the parameters of the NGO moment. This was visible in how, where and what NGOs could access the region. Oxfam’s decision to collaborate with the Vietnam-backed government in Phnom Penh, for example, left it open to influence from the regime’s priorities. But Cambodia’s most lasting impact on the NGO sector came in the legitimacy it accorded to those organisations. As this chapter shows, their actions in South-East Asia were crucial in convincing donors of the sector’s expertise and efficiency – as well as its ethical authority. This quiet transfiguration had huge implications for NGOs. From the early 1980s onwards, it became impossible to imagine emergency relief in the Third World without a significant NGO contribution.
In the aftermath of Democratic Kampuchea and the civil wars that preceded and succeeded it, victims have rebuilt their lives, demonstrating a desire and capacity to survive in the face of extreme hardship. This chapter explores resilience in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia. Using a social ecological lens, it examines how various systems – and in particular political, legal and economic systems – interact to provide resources that enable and foster resilience among victim populations. It also demonstrates, however, that these systems, individually and in interaction with each other, often remove resources or even undermine resilience. Within this systemic structure, the chapter analyses how transitional justice work in Cambodia has affected resilience. Focused specifically on the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, it argues that while the tribunal has the potential to contribute to resilience (and does for some victims), its design and procedures constrain it in this regard, even inadvertently reinforcing broader marginalising systemic dynamics. The key point is that national actors in Cambodia recognise that they can gain significant advantages through corrupt practices and autocratic power, and thus they have used transitional justice strategically to undermine peacebuilding.
To examine whether mothers’ perceived neighborhood food access is associated with their own and their young children’s consumption of animal-flesh food, fruits and vegetables in peri-urban areas of Cambodia.
A cross-sectional survey measured food consumption frequency and perceived neighborhood food access, the latter including six dimensions of food availability, affordability, convenience, quality, safety and desirability. Multivariate logistic regression was used to assess the association between food access and food consumption.
Peri-urban districts of Phnom Penh and Siem Reap, Cambodia
198 mothers of children between 6 to 24 months old.
Over 25% of the mothers and 40% of the children had low consumption (< once a day) of either animal-flesh food or fruits and vegetables. Compared with perceived high food access, perceived low food access was associated with an adjusted 5.6-fold and 4.3-fold greater odds of low animal-flesh food consumption among mothers (95% CI 2.54, 12.46) and children (95% CI 2.20, 8.60) respectively. Similarly, relative to perceived high access, perceived low food access was associated with 7.6-times and 5.1-times higher adjusted odds of low fruits and vegetables consumption among mothers (95% CI 3.22, 18.02) and children (95% CI 2.69, 9.83) respectively.
Mothers’ perceived neighborhood food access was an important predictor of their own and their young children’s nutrient-rich food consumption in peri-urban Cambodia. Future work is needed to confirm our findings in other urban settings and examine the role of neighborhood food environment on the consumption of both nutrient-rich and nutrient-poor food.
The afterword focuses on the surprising connections of a century of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) history to larger global developments outside of China, considering the potential future development of the Party, either towards more democratisation and power sharing, increasing focus on domestic challenges, or a new Marxist-Leninist world order with Beijing at it’s ideological center. The fate of international socialism is contrasted with the purges of both Stalin and Mao, which are shown to have led directly to the Sino-Soviet conflict from the late 1950s on. The lasting significance of the collapse of the Soviet Union for the CCP provides context for the increasingly close relationship between Xi and Putin, who share a mutual concern over Muslim separatism and demographic shifts within their countries. Connections are drawn between the more positive impacts of the Non-Aligned Movement of the 1950s and 1960s and the Belt and Road initiative, and darker history of global Maoism in Peru and Cambodia, with the latter spurring modernization following a successful Vietnamese intervention. The CCP’s long-standing difficulty of separating Party from ethnicity, particularly in its Southeast Asian allies, is contrasted with inspiration drawn from Japan and Korea in the post-Mao era and the legacy of falling regulation in global trade over the subsequent three decades. The afterword concludes with an exploration of the gradual end of China’s “peaceful rise” during the Xi era, touching on the daunting problems of a declining workforce, environmental degradation, and continuing wide income gaps which face the country’s leaders today, while also praising its pragmatic macroeconomic policies, impressive technological development, and openness to trade relative to the increasingly divided, insular, and unstable US under Trump.
The final case study considers place branding as a feature of marketised global justice. Cities, regions and nation states are branding themselves as global justice – or global injustice – places in order to attract capital. The language, institutions and aesthetics of international criminal law are employed to form the global justice or injustice brand. The chapter includes three ‘mini’ case studies: The Hague, a city that is dedicating significant resources to its brand of ‘City of International Peace and Justice’; South Africa, a state that has invested into a top-down brand of successful transition; and Cambodia, a state in which branding is split down class lines, whereby the elites compete for global justice capital and the rest compete for the far smaller returns of ‘dark tourism’, or global injustice. The guiding issue for this chapter is the de-historicisation of places through branding as well as the de-politicisation that comes with commodification.
Transitional justice (TJ) is undergoing a legitimacy crisis. While recent critical TJ scholarship has touted the transformative potential of locally rooted mechanisms as a possible means to emancipate TJ, this burgeoning literature rests on shaky assumptions about the purported benefits of local TJ and provides inadequate attention to local-national power dynamics. By taking these factors into consideration, this article contends that local TJ efforts can be used to deflect justice in manners that paradoxically allow ruling parties to avoid human rights accountability and to conceal the truth about wartime violations. It further argues that the principal method by which justice is subverted is not through overt manipulation by abusive governments, but rather, through subtle and indirect ‘distortional framing’ practices, which ruling parties use to set discursive limits around discussions of conflict-related events and to obfuscate their own serious crimes. After developing this argument theoretically, the case study of Cambodia is considered in detail to reveal and to trace the processes by which distortional framing has been used as a technique to deflect justice.
Mainland Southeast Asia is one of the most fascinating and complex cultural and linguistic areas in the world. This book provides a rich and comprehensive survey of the history and core systems and subsystems of the languages of this fascinating region. Drawing on his depth of expertise in mainland Southeast Asia, Enfield includes more than a thousand data examples from over a hundred languages from Cambodia, China, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam, bringing together a wealth of data and analysis that has not previously been available in one place. Chapters cover the many ways in which these languages both resemble each other, and differ from each other, and the diversity of the area's languages is highlighted, with a special emphasis on minority languages, which outnumber the national languages by nearly a hundred to one. The result is an authoritative treatment of a fascinating and important linguistic area.
The Cambodian population has experienced an increase in the proportion of stunted children who have overweight mothers during a period of rapid social and economic growth. We aimed to identify socio-economic factors associated with this household-level double burden over time.
We used data from four Cambodia Demographic and Health Surveys from 2000 to 2014 to study the impact of socio-economic status (SES) on the link between child stunting and overweight mothers in two periods 2000–2005 v. 2010–2014. We hypothesised that SES would be a primary factor associated with this phenomenon.
We included 14 988 children under the age of 5 years, among non-pregnant mothers aged 15–49 years of age and conducted analysis on a subsample of 1572 children with overweight mothers.
Nationally representative household survey across all regions.
SES factors, specifically household wealth and maternal employment in service or manual occupations (in 2010–2014), are the main drivers of stunting among children of overweight mothers. Children with overweight mothers in the poorest households are more than twice as likely to be stunted than in the richest in both periods (2000–2005: adjusted OR (aOR) = 2·53, 95 % CI: 1·25, 5·13; 2010–2014: aOR = 2·61, 95 % CI: 1·43, 4·77), adjusting for other SES factors, indicating that despite decreasing income inequality, the poorest continue to bear excess risk of a double burden of malnutrition. Maternal short stature also doubled the likelihood of child stunting in both periods, which suggests intergenerational transmission of adversity and physical underdevelopment.
Socio-economic inequalities should be addressed to reduce disparities in the household-level double burden of malnutrition.
The international community is as ubiquitous as it is elusive and its universalist pretensions remain unchallenged in political and academic discourse. In response, this article turns to Bottici's work on political myths. Against the notion of myths as falsehoods, we argue that they create their own sphere of shared social and political reality. The analysis centres on the case of Cambodia, a country that served as an experiment of liberal interventionism. It draws on archival and field research on two consecutive international interventions, a review of public statements by international actors, and interviews with Cambodian actors and activist. We argue that to understand the ideas actors use to orient themselves as they press for change, it is necessary to consider how decades of engagement with the myth have shaped the political imaginary. Our empirical analysis points to three different phases in the use of the myth: Its production during UNTAC, the reinforcement of its narratives through subsequent legal, aid and development interventions, and finally its contemporary use in a post-liberal context. We observe that Cambodian actors increasingly engage the myth to question the terms of transnational cooperation for democracy. Our work has implications for assessments of the legacies of liberal peacebuilding.
Hunting is a primary driver of biodiversity loss across South-east Asia. Within Cambodia, the use of wire snares to capture wildlife is a severe threat in protected areas but there have been few studies of the behaviour of hunters from local communities. Here, we combine the unmatched count technique with direct questioning to estimate the prevalence of hunting behaviours and wildlife consumption amongst 705 households living within Keo Seima Wildlife Sanctuary, Cambodia. We assessed respondents’ knowledge of rules, and their perceptions of patrols responsible for enforcing rules. Estimates of hunting behaviour were variable: results from the unmatched count technique were inconclusive, and direct questioning revealed 9% of households hunted, and 20% set snares around farms to prevent wildlife eating crops. Hunting with domestic dogs was the method most commonly used to catch wildlife (87% of households owned dogs). Wild meat was consumed by 84% of households, and was most frequently bought or caught, but also gifted. We detected a high awareness of conservation rules, but low awareness of punishments and penalties, with wildlife depletion, rather than the risk of being caught by patrols, causing the greatest reduction in hunting. Our findings demonstrate the challenges associated with reliably estimating rule-breaking behaviour and highlight the need to incorporate careful triangulation into study design.
This chapter deals primarily with the Company commercial policy in East Asia and mainland Southeast Asia but also discusses extensively the first territorial Dutch colony in Taiwan. It highlights the crucial position of Japan where the Dutch could build on their exclusive trading rights in Deshima to procure the precious metals that were necessary for the India trade. The China trade is discussed in connection with the restrictive policies of the Ming and Qing states as well as in the context of the trading interests of the Dutch headquarters in Batavia. In conclusion, a comparison is made between the Dutch position in Mughal India and Qing China as well as between the Dutch Empire and other European empires in Asia.
This chapter examines how aid workers who arrived in Cambodia to manage the refugee camps after the genocide ended up becoming more deeply involved in the politcs of peace negotations and postconflict reconstruction, which led them into development and into a supporting position vis-à-vis Hun Sen, the new leader of Cambodia who had been accused of genocide.
Large-scale military interventions are usually seen as foreign policy options limited to large powers. Yet, Vietnam, Egypt, Syria, and Cuba engaged in costly COIN interventions. Emerging from their own colonial histories, these smaller interveners offer a different perspective to interventions, drawing from their experiences of occupation, revolution, and insurgency. These wars reveal how alliance dynamics shift when the asymmetries in capabilities between allies are less significant than in the interventions examined previously. Smaller interveners rely less on technology and are more likely to maintain modest agendas for development. Vietnam in Cambodia and Egypt in Yemen embedded themselves into the local regimes they were aiding, thus ignoring the norm of promoting the legal sovereignty of local regimes. Syria in Lebanon aided multiple groups to assert its interests, as opposed to commandeering the government in Beirut, in part due to Israel’s efforts to constrain Damascus. Similarly, Cuban forces did not occupy the Angolan state, partly due to the USSR's influence, and partly as Castro’s anti-imperialist stance made the Cubans wary to appear as an occupying force.
Chapter 2 dwells upon the operationalization of the reparative dimension of international criminal justice at the international level, with a focus on the historical evolution of reparations by international criminal courts and tribunals prior to the ICC, and the reparative justice model devised by the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). The goal of this chapter is to retrace the diverse models in place in international criminal tribunals in regards to reparations, from a model that excludes reparations from criminal proceedings to one that has a role for victims and encompasses reparative dimensions of justice. Concerning the latter, this chapter analyzes in-depth the reparation regime developed at the ECCC, including the role of parties civiles, and the rich developing case law of the court regarding reparations. This chapter provides a careful analysis of all decisions on reparations and submissions of the parties, it engages with critical scholarship on the system developed at the ECCC, the impact of reparation orders for victims and discusses practical and policy considerations of the types of reparation that can be ordered (collective and moral reparations). It also analyses the partie civile system under which the ECCC operates and discusses the contribution of the evolving case law to the development of reparative justice for international crimes.
This chapter argues that the democratic transition in Cambodia was a product of external imposition through the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement. The accords authorized the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia in 1992–93 to oversee the democratic transition by organizing multi-party elections and to assist in the drafting of a new liberal democratic constitution. Across the next two decades, Cambodia’s democracy went through a period of electoral authoritarianism and in 2017 plunged into a de facto one-party authoritarianism. These developments derived from Cambodia’s weak state capacity. Cambodia’s entrenched neo-patrimonialism kept the quality of governance low in terms of administrative and extractive capacity but kept coercive capacity against democratic forces strong. As popular demand for deeper democracy and government accountability and responsiveness intensified, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) strengthened the state’s capacity by increasing revenue collection, public service provision and the quality of the bureaucracy. However, this reform is unlikely to lead to democratic deepening due to the CPP’s determination to preserve its interests and its ideational inclination to transform Cambodia into a developmental authoritarian state where economic growth takes precedence over liberal democracy.
The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) was established under Cambodian law in 2004, but also operates pursuant to an agreement with the UN. The ECCC has convicted defendants for charges including genocide, crimes against humanity, and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. This may appear to indicate that Cambodia’s leaders have accepted the norm of international criminal justice, at least for historic crimes. Yet the reality is more complex. This chapter examines the history of international crimes trials in Cambodia. It shows that Cambodia does not provide an example of linear progression towards acceptance of the norm of international criminal justice, but neither is there only stalling or complete rejection of this norm. It then demonstrates how international and Cambodian government actors and civil society have sought to influence Cambodia’s laws and institutions for investigating and prosecuting international crimes, before examining each of these mechanisms. This chapter argues that Cambodia’s interaction with international criminal justice disturbs any assumption that international law norms are diffused over time and from certain locations outside Cambodia (spaces) to within the country (direction).
How is international criminal law adapted across time and space? Which actors are involved and how do those actors seek to prosecute atrocity crimes? States in Southeast Asia exhibit a range of adapted approaches toward prosecuting international crimes. By examining engagement with international criminal justice especially in Cambodia, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Myanmar, this book offers a fresh and comprehensive approach to the study of international criminal law in the region. It nuances categories of the 'global' and 'local' and demonstrates how norms can be adapted in multiple spatial and temporal directions beyond the International Criminal Court. It proposes a shift in the focus of those interested in international criminal justice toward recognising the opportunities and expertise presented by existing adaptive responses to international crimes. This book will appeal to scholars, practitioners and advocates interested in international criminal law, international relations, transitional justice, civil society, and law in Southeast Asia.
We draw lessons about research design and implementation that informs conservation interventions in Developing World contexts using case studies on the relationships between local communities and their natural resources. Research on Bengal floricans in Cambodia explores how indirect questioning methods can be used to gather information in a way that doesn't incriminate respondents, and a programme on bushmeat hunting in Tanzania shows how combining this approach with qualitative understanding and ecological data provides a deeper understanding of motivations and preferences. Using the example of a small local NGO in Tanzania, we show the power of participatory theories of change to guide intervention design and clarify assumptions and research needs. Finally, we use research on Indonesian shark fishers to test common assumptions about people's livelihood choices. The finding that alternative livelihoods were not a realistic option for these fishers changed the intervention approach. These examples show the role research can play in facilitating positive interactions between conservation managers and local people, and the benefits of intertwining research and practice.