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3079 results in Jagiellonian University Press

Page 49 of 154

  • I - Author's Preface

  • Anna Marciniak-Kajzer
  • Book:
    Archeology on Medieval Knights' Manor House in Poland
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    10 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 7-10

  • Summary

    The Middle Ages is a period that has been inspiring our imagination for a long time. Even contemporary fantasy literature, especially in its film versions, draws most frequently from the medieval climate, with the buildings, everyday objects and clothing styled after the fashion of the Medieval period. The greatest of emotions and interest are aroused by knights and castles. Some of the medieval strongholds have survived in their entirety to this day and have been changed to a smaller or lesser extent by the following generations, others enrapture with their picturesque ruins. However, not many people ask themselves the question where did the medieval knights actually live when they were not accompanying their master in war, or were not staying in their lord's impressive castles. Where did they spend their time with their families whilst bringing up the next generation of knights? Most certainly the majority of them, at least in Poland, did not reside in such mighty castles.

    So where did the medieval knights actually live? The answer to this question may vary taking into consideration the extensive territories of Europe. Even the issue of the duration of the Middle Ages causes many difficulties and differs for the various regions of our continent. In this book, however, I would like to concentrate on the fortified manor houses of knights that functioned in medieval Poland, that is within Central Europe. Our country was, at the time, overgrown with widespread forests cut with marshy river valleys and with mountain ranges in the south. Such a landscape had a considerable influence on the form and specificity of settlements and homesteads.

    In the major part of Europe the motte and bailey residence, with its tower buildings on top of an artificial mound, was the initial form of settlement dwelt in by the knight. However, it is not my intention to study the origins of this type of fortified manor house. This is a huge issue and it is extremely popular among scholars, not only archaeologists.

    Above all, I would like to make an attempt at the reconstruction of the appearance of such a manor house, including the objects that could be found inside. In this work the reader will not come across any attempts at creation of a typology, which is so popular among archaeologists.

  • V - The Ending

  • Anna Marciniak-Kajzer
  • Book:
    Archeology on Medieval Knights' Manor House in Poland
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    10 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 147-172

  • Summary

    It is finally time to spend a moment in reflection concerning the picture of a medieval knight's manor house that we can get on the basis of archaeological materials and that is presented in this work. I have already mentioned many times that the state of research is insufficient and we shall return to this subject in this chapter later on. First let us have a look at the situation in the neighbouring territories to the Kingdom of Poland, i.e. our conventional area for consideration.

    The obvious question arises about the possibility of comparison of the knights’ manor houses from the territory of medieval Poland to those in neighbouring countries, or to estates that were owned by the clergy or belonged to rulers. Even in the content of each chapter there were references to the excavation results of the remains of manor houses in Silesia or Chełmno Land. Admittedly, the reference material here is very rich. Such sites as Plemięta and Bachotek from Chełmno Land as well as Zbrojewsko and Ryczeń from Silesia are a valuable source of analogy. However, there is a formal problem. In principle such a comparison should be carried out on several levels. We should compare knights’ manor houses from the territories of Poland to ones in the neighbouring countries. Similarly, knights’ residences should be compared to those owned by clergymen, as well as owned by dukes, which shall be then multiplied by incorporating the sites from neighbouring countries. To trace the evolution of these settlements and see if they proceeded simultaneously, it would be necessary to present a picture of the dynamic changes, additionally supported by their precise dating. Unfortunately, the present state of research does not allow such an activity. Even in the introduction to this book a reservation was expressed concerning the failure to determine the owners of many of these settlements, which means that there are certainly houses owned by clergy or dukes even among those sites that were considered a priori as ‘knights’ residences. Given such a situation we could propose the thesis that these residences did not differ fundamentally as no important dissimilarities have been noted so far. In academic research, however, it is better to operate with facts rather than speculations and therefore this thesis is still waiting for verification.

  • Kosovo: Structure of the Main Political Parties in Kosovo

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 209-230

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Using a single model or theoretical frame of party organization is not feasible when analyzing Central and Eastern European political parties. The differences between them are simply too great. This chapter will present an analysis of the political landscape in Kosovo, the youngest of all post-Yugoslav states. We will discuss the Kosovan political framework by analyzing three main political parties: PDK, LDK, and VV. Firstly, we will briefly present key national legal regulations on the creation and functioning of Kosovan parties. Secondly, we will continue by highlighting the major characteristics shared by all the main parties in Kosovo today, such as relatively low internal party democracy, and issues of transparent party financing. Thirdly, we will introduce a brief overview of the structure, rules, and functioning of the three political parties. Finally, we will end with a vertical presentation of the organizational scheme of the two biggest parties, PDK and LDK.

    To begin with, it should be understood that Kosovan political parties are in fact very young, and that they oft en lack ideological orientation, clear programs, and are vague regarding their membership figures (KIPRED 2012: 11). Nevertheless, they satisfy the basic criteria for classification as political parties, and are in the process of transformation as part of Kosovo's transition to democracy. Unfortunately, Kosovan parties are still very much ethnically divided, which reflects the divisions that still exist in the country today (Nenadović 2012: 98). The youngest European state, Kosovo has had its share of transitional troubles, mainly in terms of corruption, organized crime, poor rule of law, and underdeveloped economy (Kosovo Progress Report 2014).Thus, local political parties are oft en seen as very convenient tools for attaining positions of power, which in turn provide their holders with social advantages that the majority of Kosovan citizens lack.

    The three political parties that are the focus of this chapter will be considered in terms of election results, popular support, and political activity in recent years.

  • Developing Party Structures in Central and Eastern Europe

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 11-20

  • Summary

    Although the activity of political parties is a popular and widely studied issue, the nature of their organizational structures receive relatively less attention. While most research is focused on Western Europe, since the countries of Central and Eastern Europe experienced the process of democratization, there appeared a number of studies concerning also parties in this part of Europe. Paul G. Lewis was among the first authors to take an interest in this field. In 1996 he edited Party Structure and Organization in East-Central Europe, which contained several case studies regarding party formation and organizational structures of: Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, and even former East Germany. Even though written in the early phases of the democratic transition, reflections concerning the organizational aspects of party formation still prove valuable. Several years later P.G. Lewis authored Political Parties in Post-Communist Eastern Europe (2000). Chapter 4 of this book is devoted to organizational aspects of political parties in the region, and includes author's analysis of party structures, finances, factionalism and relationships between models of party organization in CEE and in established democracies.

    Also relevant to the study of party organizational structures in CEE coun-tries are works by Ingrid van Biezen (2003) and Maria Spirova (2007). Van Biezen discusses the formation of political parties amidst democratic transition, with particular emphasis on their organization. Her research is based on examples from Southern Europe (Portugal and Spain), and Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic and Hungary). Spirova focuses on the formation, evolution, and organization of Bulgarian and Hungarian political parties. Apart from specifics, the book contains insightful general reflections on the organizational evolution of CEE political parties. For instance, she shows how politicians, at the beginning phases of post-communist party formation, did not stress the importance of organizational structures. Later however, they came to appreciate organization as a valuable asset to party functioning.

    Another book containing chapters focusing on political parties in CEE, which includes some discussion of their organizational aspects, is Party Politics in New Democracies, edited by Paul Webb and Stephen White (2007). Likewise, Stephen D. Roper and Jānis Ikstens published a book in 2008 which discusses the question of party financing in post-communist countries. Other relevant papers also introduce and analyze theoretical models (Kopecký 1995; Szczerbiak 1999; Hanley 2001; Enyedi and Linek 2008), and touch on other aspects of party organization (Toole 2003; Tavits 2012a, 2012b; Gherghina 2014).

  • Hungary: Cut from the Same Cloth? A Comparative Analysis of Party Organizations in Hungary

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 185-208

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Hungary, as a post-communist country of Central and Eastern Europe, is characterized by strong anti-party attitudes and sentiment. Nevertheless, parties are still the key players in public life due to the amount of resources they possess and their level of centralization, being higher by orders of magnitudes than civic organizations, trade unions or movements could expect.

    The party system is currently tripartite. The right-wing and conservative Alliance of Young Democrats (Fidesz) and its small satellite party, the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP) are located in one block and have been governing since 2010. Fidesz shows characteristics of the central party of dominant party systems, as (with the formally independent KDNP) it managed to acquire a supermajority (i.e. two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly) in the last two elections. The leftist block is fragmented, with several left -wing and liberal parties. Among them, the two relevant ones discussed in this chapter are the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), the successor to the communist state party; and the Democratic Coalition (DK), an MSZP splinter party, led by a former Prime Minister. While the latter lacks a parliamentary group, membership numbers and popular support are currently on the rise. Finally, Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), classified as both a radical and far-right organization, is the sole party appealing to the voters of the third bloc.

    Some authors interpret (Tóth and Török 2014) the party system as a continuum of a culturally and ideologically understood left and right, i.e. that all parties can be placed somewhere on an authoritarian–libertarian scale. Fidesz occupies a central position on the scale, with fragmented leftist opposition on its left, and a radical-extremist right represented by Jobbik. Others (Horváth and Soós 2015) believe structural differences between parties are deeper than mere shift s of cultural–ideological positions on a scale. According to this view, the relevant cleavages are the ones that separate Fidesz from the two oppositional blocks: open racism in the case of Jobbik; and differences in the majoritarian and liberal conceptions of democracy on the left. This approach also claims that the most important symbolic difference is the party label, understood as a “brand” itself.

  • Slovakia: Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Slovakia: Parties not for Members

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 391-418

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Competitive political parties have been one of a key determinant of political change and in the institutionalization of democracy in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (Lewis 2000). An understanding of this process requires analysis of the party systems as well as individual political parties, including their organization (Kopecký 2006; Rybář 2006), stability (Haughton 2014a; Bakke and Sitter 2013), causes of emergence and dissolution (Haughton and Deegan-Krause 2015), relationships with the state (Haughton 2008), and how they have been impacted by EU accession (Vachudova 2008; Henderson 2009; Haughton 2014b).

    In the case of post-communist democracies, many political leaders usually do not consider party organization as important pre-condition for the success of parties in elections. For party competition and success in elections media campaigns, strong and visible leaders, and patronage are more relevant. However, party organization appears to be important to the successful establishment and long-term survival of parties (Tavits 2013; Haughton and Deegan-Krause 2015). Previous studies examining the organization of political parties in Slovakia (Rybář 2004, 2006, 2011a; Lášticová and Malová 2013) reveal their elite-created and centralized organizations. This scholarship as well emphasizes parties’ financial dependency on the state, minimal number of members, weak linkages with society and organized interests, including underdeveloped territorial organizations. New trends in development of parties, in particular the emergence of anti-establishment protest parties (Hanley and Sikk 2016; Haughton and Deegan-Krause 2015) have just confirmed these tendencies. Thus political parties in Slovakia are organizationally much weaker than their western counterparts.

    This chapter aims to characterize the state of party organization in Slovakia by providing a more detailed description of the structure and functioning of parties represented in the national Parliament during the 2010–2016 legislative term.

    Political Position, Legal Framework, and Basic Features of Political Parties in Slovakia

    Given the PR electoral system with a closed party list, political parties are the dominant political actors in Slovakia. Slovakia has applied proportional representation since the first parliamentary elections after the fall of the communist regime. Key parameters of the electoral system were stabilized in the 1990s. There have since been few – but important – changes.

  • Bosnia and Herzegovina: Organizational Structures of Political Parties in CEE Countries: A Case Study on Bosnia and Herzegovina

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 59-84

  • Summary

    Introduction

    The emergence of political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina began in 1906, when the first political party in BiH – the Muslim National Organization (MNO) – was established. That was period of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina upon the administration over Bosnia and Herzegovina was entrusted to Austria-Hungary at the Congress of Berlin in 1878. The MNO was established on 3 December, 1906, and its fi rst president was Ali-beg Firdus (Arnautović 1996: 26).

    The Serb People's Independent Party (SNSS), led by Dr. Lazar Dimitrijević, was established in May 1907. Subsequently in August of 1908, yet another Muslim party was established – the Muslim People's Party (MNS), which revised its program in 1910 and changed its name to the Muslim Independent Party (Arnautović 1996: 26). The Serb National Organization (SNO) was established in October of 1907; and the Croat People's Union (HNZ) in February of 1908.

    The Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDS BiH) was established in June of 1909 and worked together with the trade union. In January of 1910, the Archbishop of Sarajevo, Josip Štadler, founded the Croat Catholic Association (HKU). These parties more or less participated in elections for the Bosnian Assembly in 1910, and the following parties won mandates: SNO (31); MNO (24); HNZ (12); and HKU (4).

    Political organizing in Bosnia and Herzegovina also continued into the period of great Serbian hegemony under the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (SHS), as well as under the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. However, its form changed somewhat since dominant political parties in BiH were actually branches of big political parties from Serbia (Democratic Party, National Radical Party) and Croatia (Croatian Agricultural Party, Croatian People's Party, Croatian Republican Peasant Party). The only authentic BiH political party at the time was the Yugoslavian Muslim Organization (JMO). The Communist Party was also working successfully, but its operation was soon prohibited. In the last parliamentary elections before World War II, which were held in 1938, there were only two lists: the Government's List (JRZ) – Milan Stojadinović; and the List of Associated Opposition – Vlatko Maček (Arnautović 2009: 116–130).

  • Latvia: Leader-Centered and Power-Hungry: Party Organizations in Latvia

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 231-250

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Political parties have been bourgeoning in post-Communist Latvia as a result of various cleavages (Evans and Whitefiled 1993; Norgard 1999; Ikstens 2005). Moreover, their lifecycle has generally been rather short, and many genuinely new parties have taken over (Sikk 2005). Despite the active genesis of political parties, party membership has remained notably low (van Biezen et al. 2012). This chapter sets out to explore how these small parties operate, and what organizational patterns they develop in response to the generally competitive circumstances in Latvia. The analysis is based on a survey of political parties represented in the Latvian parliament, Saeima, as a consequence of the 2014 general elections: Harmony, Unity, Union of Greens and Farmers, the National Alliance; the Regional Alliance of Latvia, and From Heart to Latvia.

    Legal Framework

    Latvia freed itself from Soviet occupation in August of 1991 as a result of a failed coup d’état in Moscow. While the actual advent of independence turned out to be sudden, it was preceded by a period of intensive and coordinated efforts to regain independence starting in the late 1980s both within, as well as outside, the Soviet Union. In view of the non-recognition policy of Latvia's occupation pursued by several dozens of countries across the globe, Latvia based its struggle for regaining independence on the principle of legal continuity of the Republic of Latvia (Blūzma et al. 1998). It was this principle that largely conditioned the restoration of the 1922 constitution after the collapse of the Soviet Union in August of 1991.

    The original constitution of Latvia was expected to have two major parts: one outlining the major institutional elements of the country's governance; and the second enlisting the rights and obligations of citizens. The first made no reference to political organizations; the second was never adopted in the 1920s and 1930s due to political rifts (Pleps 2008).

    Work to consummate the constitution resumed after 1991, and the second part of the basic law enshrining human rights was adopted in 1998. Political parties were referred to exclusively in the context of freedom of assembly, and were not afforded special status (such as that granted to parties in the 1949 German Grundgesetz).

  • IV - Systematic part: a key for the identification of monogonont rotifers of Poland

  • Edited by Irena Bielańska-Grajner, University of Silesia, Katowice, Jolanta Ejsmont-Karabin, University of Bialystok, Poland, Stanisław Radwan
  • Book:
    Rotifers (Rotifera)
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    12 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 79-122

  • Summary

    The systematic part contains a survey of rotifer taxa down to, and inclusive of, the genus level. Due to the very difficult, and not completely explained, rotifer taxonomy at the infrasubspecific level, it was consciously decided to leave out species identification keys. However, the catalogue of rotifers known at present from Poland (part V of the Freshwater Fauna of Poland), is an excellent companion to this chapter and an aid in rotifer species identification.

    Key to subclasses

  • 1. Ovary paired, trophi ramate …………Bdelloidea

  • – Ovary unpaired, trophi different ……….Monogononta

    • SUBCLASS: MONOGONONTA

    Monogonont rotifers have an unpaired ovary, with a clearly separated vitellarium. Their development is typically heterogonous, but, hermaphroditic reproduction does sporadically appear. Monogononts are the most widely distributed rotifer groups; they occur in both fresh and marine waters, and include more than 1500 species. They occupy various ecological niches and are members of different ecological communities: psammon, periphyton, and plankton; they also include typically sessile forms.

    Key to orders

  • 1. Trophi malleate, cardate, forcipate or incudate (Fig. 12) Ploimida p. 89

  • – Trophi of other type ………………………………….. 2

  • 2. Trophi uncinate (Fig. 12 D). Corona Collotheca-type (Fig. 7 I) ………………………Collothecacea p. 80 – Trophi malleoramate (Fig. 12 F). Corona Hexarthra- or Conochilus-type (Fig. 7 E, D) …………………….. Flosculariacea p. 84

    • ORDER: COLLOTHECACEA REMANE, 1933

    Foot without toes, in juveniles terminated with a tuft of setae. Numerous pedal glands, absent in adults. Corona reduced (Atrochidae) or greatly altered, of the Collotheca-type (Collothecidae). Trophi uncinate. Sessile and free-swimming forms.

    Key to families

  • 1. Corona without setae and long cilia (Fig. 23 B, C, D) Atrochidae p. 80

  • – Corona with long stiff setae (Fig. 23 F) ……Collothecidae p. 82

    • FAMILY: ATROCHIDAE Bartoš, 1959

    The family consists of 3 monospecific genera, similar in having a corona with a limited number of cilia and in showing a characteristic opening of gastric glands. Fairly rare in Poland. All identifiable only when live.

    Key to genera

  • Foot reduced to a small dorsal process; corona funnel-shaped; no lorica (Fig. 23 B) ………………… Cupelopagis Forbes, 1882

  • – Foot distinct ………………………………….. 2

  • Foot long, retractable; corona with large dorsal lobes; sheath small (Fig. 23 C) …..Acyclus Leidy, 1882

  • – Corona with short setae, foot segmented (Fig. 23 D) …………………Atrochus Wierzejski, 1893

  • VII - Bibliography

  • Anna Marciniak-Kajzer
  • Book:
    Archeology on Medieval Knights' Manor House in Poland
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    10 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 183-208

  • Summary

    Andrzejewski A., Kajzer L., Z archeologiczno-architektonicznych badań weryfikacyjnych zespołu pałacowego w Ujeździe koło Tomaszowa Mazowieckiego w 2002 roku, “Łódzkie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne”, vol. 8, (2002/2003), p. 290.

    Ankersmith F.R., Historiografia i postmodernizm. In: Postmodernizm, R. Nycz (ed.), Kraków 1997, pp. 145–172.

    Archeologia w województwie piotrkowskim. Informator 1988–1994, M. Gąsior, M. Szukała (ed.), Piotrków 1995.

    Ariès P., Historia dzieciństwa. Dziecko i rodzina w dawnych czasach, Gdańsk 1995, pp. 20–21.

    Banasiewicz E., Grodziska i zamczyska Zamojszczyzny, Zamość 1990.

    Barber R., Rycerze i rycerskość, Warszawa 2000.

    Barthelemy D., Zagospodarowanie przestrzeni prywatnej XI–XIII w. In: Historia życia prywatnego, vol. 2, Od Europy feudalnej do renesansu, G. Duby (ed.), Wrocław 1998, pp. 431–458.

    Bieniak J., Elita ziemi dobrzyńskiej w późnym średniowieczu i jej majątki. In: Stolica i region. Włocławek i jego dzieje na tle przemian Kujaw i ziemi dobrzyńskiej. Materiały z sesji naukowej (9–10 maja 1994 roku), O. Krut-Hozonziak, L. Kajzer (ed.), Włocławek 1995, pp. 23–60.

    Bieniak J., Tytuł rycerski jako kryterium identyfikacji osób w średniowieczu. In: Personae–colligationes–facta, Toruń 1991, pp. 66–73.

    Biller T., Die Adelsburg in Deutschland: Entstehung, Form und Bedeutung, München 1993.

    Błaszczyk W., Radkiewicz T., Wyniki badań powierzchniowych przeprowadzonych na terenie powiatu Częstochowa w roku 1963, “Biuletyn Śląskiego Instytutu Naukowego”, vol. 40, 1964, p. 116.

    Bogdanowski J., Obronna wieża mieszkalna dworu Karwacjanów w Gorlicach. In: Architektura rezydencjonalna i obronna województwa rzeszowskiego w świetle badań naukowych prowadzonych w 25-leciu PRL, Łańcut 9–10 maja 1970, Materiały z sesji naukowej, Łańcut 1972, pp. 157–166.

    Bogucka M., Historia kultury materialnej a postmodernizm. Kilka uwag do modnego tematu. In: O rzeczach minionych. Studia i Materiały z Historii Kultury Materialnej, vol. 71, Warszawa 2006, pp. 31–34.

    Bogucki A., „Strennus” jako tytuł rycerzy pasowanych (XIII–XV w.), “Przegląd Historyczny”, vol. 77, 1986, no. 4 (1987), pp. 625–647.

    Bogucki A., Rycerz i panosza w źródłach polskich XIV i XV wieku. In: Społeczeństwo Polski średniowiecznej, S. K. Kuczyński (ed.), vol. 7, Warszawa 1996, pp. 165–200.

    Boguszewicz A., Architektura siedziby możnowładczo-rycerskiej w Wierzbnej koło Świdnicyw świetle badań archeologicznych, “Archaeologia Historica Polona”, vol. 15/1, 2005, pp. 279–305.

    Böhme H. W., Von der Dollen B., Kerber D., Meckseper C., Schock-Werner B., Zeune J., Burgen in Mitteleuropa. Ein Handbuch, vol. 1 and 2, Stuttgart 1999.

  • Slovenia: Almost without Any Innovations: Organizational Structures in Slovenian Parties

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 419-440

  • Summary

    Introduction

    As has been exposed by many political scientists, all political parties must develop their organization, whether they want to thrive actively or simply survive in the long-term. The dual aim of this article is to present the organizational structures of Slovenian parties, and to reveal and explain any differences between them. Parties can be distinguished in terms of their age, size, model of development, and ideological position. All these characteristics will be used to analyze how Slovenian parties differ in their organizational structures.

    This article is based on analysis of formal documents (party statutes). In this study, we restrict ourselves to an investigation only of current parliamentary parties in Slovenia. The article is organized into several sections, the first of which deals with the development and regulation of parties, followed by a presentation of the main characteristics of the Slovenian party system and its parties. The last two sections present characteristics of organizational structures in parties, as well as intra-party processes.

    Development and Regulation of Parties

    By the 1890s, party life in Slovenia was already well-developed, with three parties representing the main political orientations: conservative; liberal; and social democratic. This initial period of party development was followed by the development of parties except for the League of Communists were prohibited.

    In 1991, Slovenia adopted a new Constitution. Although the Constitution, like in many other countries, acknowledges the existence of political parties (van Biezen and Borz 2012), these are mentioned only a few times, mainly in the form of a prohibition – for example, professionals in the Slovenian Army as well as police officers are not allowed to be members of political parties. Likewise, the function of a judge is incompatible with membership in party bodies (Lukšič 1994). On the other hand, as a rule, party laws to a greater extent regulate parties, including their operation and functioning (van Biezen and Piccio 2013).

    In fact, a previous law dealing with political parties was adopted in Slovenia in December 1989. Although this was a short document with only 27 articles, it mentioned several of the more common areas of party regulation (Karvonen 2007).

  • Bulgaria: Organizational Structure and Trends in Bulgarian Party Politics

  • Edited by Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Piotr Borowiec
  • Book:
    Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    01 January 2017, pp 85-108

  • Summary

    Extant research on political parties focuses exclusively on their ideological specifics, strategic choices during elections, and policy performance when in government. More recently, scholars have started to emphasize the importance of organizational principles of party building and internal party operation for the overall level of democratic performance in a country. Numerous polls over the last several years have indicated that the level of citizens’ trust in political parties and national parliaments is at an all-time low. This raises questions about the democraticness of parties and the connections they build to society. This concern is especially troubling in the case of emerging party systems in countries undergoing democratic transitions, such as those in Eastern Europe. As carriers of the very idea of pluralism in democratic representation, post-Communist political parties have been key actors in the process of transition. Success in developing solid party structures and clear procedures would likely help those parties fulfill a very important mission: transformation of Eastern European post-Soviet bloc countries into vibrant modern democracies. This chapter explores whether political parties have been able to grow organizationally and develop democratically in the region by assessing the extent of institutional sophistication of major political parties in the context of Bulgaria.

    Since the revolutions of 1989, the Bulgarian party system has undergone important transformations. Throughout the 1990s, it changed from a one-party totalitarian system to a multi-party competitive system. During this period, two formidable political forces, namely the ex-Communist Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) and the Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) – and to a lesser degree the smaller ethnic minority Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) – dominated the political arena. Since 2001, new parties have not only continued to emerge, but have also gained victories in Bulgarian elections (see Table 1). The organizational capacity developed by transition-era parties is no longer an advantage, and newcomers have made significant advances with little organization and modest resources. As this study reveals, both the institutional context and the choices made by Bulgarian parties have shaped a reality in which organizational structure and procedure vary widely with regard to power distribution and degree of intra-party democracy.

  • Introduction

  • Katarzyna Bazarnik
  • Book:
    Liberature: A Book-bound Genre
    Published by:
    Jagiellonian University Press
    Published online:
    22 December 2017
    Print publication:
    01 December 2016, pp 13-22

  • Summary

    Necessary confession

    Before I begin, I am obliged to make a confession. The present monograph is the fruit of miscegenation between a scholar and a creative writer, and its subject – the eponymous liberature – is the product of a similar trespass. Beside my academic publications, I am the co-author of two books: Oka-leczenie [Mute-Eye-Late] and (O)patrzenie [Ga(u)ze], written jointly with Zenon Fajfer. The concept of liberature, featuring in the title of my book, was in fact first proposed by this poet and my artistic collaborator, in an article with the provocative title “Liberature. Appendix to a Dictionary of Literary Terms” (Fajfer 1999). In his essay, which combined the zest of an artistic manifesto with some theoretical reflection, Fajfer suggested a new and distinct literary genre. It would denote a kind of creative writing that fuses text with its physical form into an inseparable whole in the space of the book. The name of the postulated category, in which he fused Latin liber (the book) with “literature,” also hints at writers’ liberty to use their material as freely as necessary. Linguistically, his coinage was a hybrid word, just as works he described or envisaged could be seen as combinations of different arts, but – as he has always stressed – with the unquestioned dominance of the literary component.

    So my hybrid position corresponds well with the hybridity of my subject. I admit that I am speaking here both as a creative writer and a literary scholar, a theorist of the genre to which I have contributed. Such a situation, though not so rare in the academic world, is nevertheless an uncomfortable one. In my defence I should perhaps quote Christine Brooke-Rose, my more eminent predecessor in this practice, who in her preface to Stories, Theories and Things offers the following disclaimer:

    […] the novelist can often throw an aura of doubt or humour or particular perception upon theory. The book […] is in fact about this connection, about how the critic and teacher reads also as writer and how the novelist writes also as theorist, aware of the fundamental inseparability of elements that critics and teachers have to separate, even rejoice in separating, pin-pointing, for the purpose of this or that type of analysis, though some try to refound them into large universal systems which the novelist knows can only hold in a precarious suspension of disbelief.

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