In this paper we restrict ourselves to the dialect of the proletariat of Port-au-Prince. Accordingly, we have nothing to say about the differences between this dialect and others, but it is worth mentioning that our sketch of the phonology does apply in general to other dialects. The variations we ignore are largely subphonemic. Further, we have omitted any reference to the so-called ‘Gallicizing’ dialect or dialects and thus exclude from the system the segments /y ø œ Ч/, which occur sporadically in the speech of some individuals.

There is nothing very new about the idea that speech sounds can be classified in terms of a limited number of features. Phonetic taxonomies have existed from the times of the earliest grammarians; and traditional consonant charts can be viewed as attempts to classify sounds in terms of features of place and manner of production. But with the development of the Prague school of phonology (Trubetzkoy, 1939) and the subsequent work of Jakobson and his collaborators (Jakobson, 1962; Jakobson, Fant and Halle, 1951; Jakobson and Halle, 1956) the discussion of the distinctive features of speech came to have more importance. As a result of the more recent work of Chomsky and Halle (1968), the role of distinctive features within phonological theory has become even more crucial. This paper will review the nature of phonological features in general, and will suggest a particular set of features which it might be appropriate to use in phonological descriptions of languages.

The photographic production of scientific publications is on the increase. Consequently manuscripts which are fit for reproduction in this manner are necessary. Phonetic and linguistic papers often call for a mixed script, i.e. both the typemes of one (or more than one) language and the transcription symbols (phonetic and phonemic) are used. The preparation of a typescript of this sort is laborious even with the aid of a phonetic tandem-typewriter.

The most important tone sandhi is that of tone-3. Each of the two forms of bisyllabic sequences in Chinese, the quasi-iambic and the trochaic, has two types of tone sandhi pattern. As far as the quasi-iambic sequence is concerned, tone-3 followed by other tones (including the neutral tone) except another tone-3 changes to ½ tone-3. Tone-3 followed by another tone-3 changes to tone-2. As far as the trochaic sequence is concerned, tone-3 followed by the neutral tone derived originally from tone-3 changes either to ½ tone-3 as before any other neutral tone, or to tone-2 as before any stressed tone-3. Tone-3 followed by the first type of trochaic sequence changes to tone-2, and that followed by the second type changes to ½ tone-3. Tone sandhi patterns of the sequences formed by three stressed tone-3 syllables, though mostly determined by the IC, are rather inconsistent; they vary from speaker to speaker. There are two types of tone sandhi patterns of the sequences formed by more than three stressed tone-3 syllables. The first type is uttered with a momentary pause which has the function of separating one IC from another. The second type is uttered without the pause. Thus only the tone pattern of the final syllable remains unchanged. Whether a polysyllabic sequence is uttered with a momentary pause or not depends on the speaker. In general, due to the influence of stress distribution, 223-sequences and 2223-sequences may optionally change to 213-sequences and 2123-sequences respectively when they are spoken faster. This confirms that the description of sandhi patterns in the second paragraph of section 1 is correct.

The Daniel Jones Cardinal Vowel system, defined as it is by clear-cut and rigid rules, is part of the stock-in-trade of all IPA phoneticians. I wish to suggest that the present format of the system contains a contradiction so basic that any attempt to make use of it as a descriptive technique, in all but a very restricted number of cases, would be completely impossible. This contradiction, moreover, is so obvious that the fact that no phonetician has called attention to it until now is hard to explain, and the equally certain fact that descriptive phoneticians (including the present writer) regularly teach the use of the technique to students, and apply it themselves, is even more so.

Articulation and discrimination of speech-sounds are closely related in children's developing phonology. As in most other areas of language, recognition of a meaningful contrast is acknowledged to precede its active use (Ervin-Tripp, 1966: 59; Friedlander, 1969). It is becoming clear that the process of developing auditory discrimination follows the same general path as developing articulation in speech, though parallels between the two processes are not exact.

Phonetic notation of segmental sounds is of two main types, phonemic transcription and phonetic transcription proper which, to avoid ambiguity, is generally now referred to by British phoneticians, following the suggestion of Abercrombie (1953), as ‘allophonic transcription’. The two most important discussions of types of notation for English are Jones (1956: Appendix A) and Abercrombie (1964); for further comments see Windsor Lewis (1969: Chap. III) and Gimson (1970: § 5.6). Of the many different phonetic notations used for English more or less all of them in the last half century or so have employed the symbols of the Association's alphabet, in Britain usually faithfully observing the principles laid down by the Association for their use. In America the principles have not been so generally accepted. They are set forth in Jones, 1949 (PIPA (1949)).

The purpose of this note is to present and discuss more direct data than has hitherto been available on the vibration of the vocal folds following the release of Korean stops.

In the second paragraph of Mrs. Waterson's article ‘Some views on speech perception’ (JIPA, 1, 2, 81), the reference ‘Fry, 1970’ should read ‘Fry, 1956’.

In the same number, in Dr. W. Jassem's article ‘Pitch and compass of the speaking voice’, the denominator of formula (4) on p. 65 should read s3, not s2.