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Based on prosecution data for the period 1600–1900, this chapter re-assesses existing literature to stress the importance of discontinuity and variations in female crime rates in Europe. Women’s share among criminal offenders was not static and even reached significant levels throughout the early modern period. This chapter identifies five contextual factors as having an influence on female crime rates: urbanisation, moral norms, legal norms, family systems and living standards. With regard to the nineteenth century, it suggests that the link between industrialisation, removal from the labour market and the decline of female crime rates was by no means clear. On the contrary, it seems that the rising living standards and the development of the welfare state in Europe had a greater impact on female crime rates than a hypothetic confinement to the house.
In Chapter 8, Farahbakhsh’s Zendegi-ye Khosusi (Private Life, 2011) also draws on ways that the political becomes personal. Farahbakhsh not only focuses on the political environment of Iran in the 2010s, but he also highlights the inherent double standards found within government-endorsed sigheh. Highlighting the importance of sigheh marriages and the unsettling balance of the political and the personal, the manipulation of religion, double standards, and gendered inequality, Zendegi-ye Khosusi demonstrates the inimical power of patriarchy to protect and maintain male dominance. The film calls attention to women like Parisa, who are desired and lusted after initially, but as they pose threats and demand equal rights, they have to be eliminated. To complete her eradication from his life and keep his moral corruption a secret, Ebrahim, who initially lusted after Parisa, now uses his agency as an autonomous subject to objectify, victimize, and ultimately murder Parisa. Similar to Afkhami, Farahbakhsh depicts the politicization of the female body and sexuality in the context of sigheh under the Islamic regime. He uses the figure of Parisa to lay bare the religious and political hypocrisy and gender-related double standards inherent in the practice of sigheh.
Higher education participation rates in Africa remain the lowest in the world, averaging around 7 percent of the eligible cohort. But the continent is also experiencing an increase in the number of youth, an increase in the demand for access to higher education, and a crisis of graduate unemployment. These issues have, in turn, resulted in a complex mix of policies that regulate admission and standards. This chapter discusses these issues and highlights the key prevailing trends in admissions and implications on access and equity in higher education admissions in Africa.
In Chapter 7, I examine Behruz Afkhami’s Showkaran (Hemlock, 2000), set in 1995. Showkaran depicts Mahmud, a happily married man who finds himself stuck at the junction of religiosity and modernity. Afkhami exposes some key social problems, including sigheh marriages, and how religious regulations are used as a façade to justify social injustice. He sheds light on the double standards that dominate sigheh marriages and dramatizes how the political becomes personal as individuals strive for morality. Through the character of Sima, Afkhami pushes back against the social and moral corruption of the time, which is mapped onto a woman’s body that must ultimately be eliminated. By highlighting the role of sigheh marriages in maintaining the precarious balance of religiosity and modernity, the manipulation of religion, the societal and religious double standards imposed on women, marriage as an institution versus an intimate relationship, and politicization of the personal, Afkhami displays the complex aspects of sigheh marriages and the detrimental effects the practice has particularly on the personal lives of women, but also on society as a whole. Afkahmi portrays Sima who is “socially peripheral” as “symbolically central,” for she poses a grave threat to Mahmud's nekah marriage, and therein lies her power.
This paper examines the cost of living and evolution of welfare ratios among urban workers in Rio Grande's vila, the main commercial enclave of the southern Portuguese dominions in America. From diverse sources (military and hospital expenditure accounts, merchant credit bills from probate inventories), we build different consumption baskets to calculate their cost in seven benchmark years: 1772, 1792, 1802, 1809, 1816, 1819 and 1823. The evolution of cost of living shows a consistent upward trend during the period, which, however, does not substantially affect welfare ratios. In order to build regional comparisons, we follow Allen's methodology (2001) to estimate welfare ratios of skilled and unskilled workers in Rio Grande, Buenos Aires and Montevideo. The results of using this approach could be useful to adjust the methodology for further international comparisons.
Surgical care for the weapon wounded and sick in conflict and disaster zones is clearly defined with internationally accepted guidelines for clinical care, the provision of resources, and infrastructure. This chapter outlines priorities in the organization and delivery of surgical care, with real-life examples of surgical activity in the field and ICRC experience of field hospital surgery. ICRC hospital programmes and surgical standards are summarized.
Given the widespread use of English, this chapter explores two critical issues: (1) what varieties and standards of English are taught and tested in English as second/foreign language (L2) learning contexts and (2) what role is assigned to communication strategies and plurilingual competences in learning, teaching, and assessing English, particularly in lingua franca contexts.
We investigate how lower courts respond to a change in the legal rule by an appellate court. We create a dataset comprising 525 cases from the Tax Court of Canada over the period 1997 to 2017 that determine whether a worker is an employee or an independent contractor for tax purposes. We look at how this lower court responds to a 2006 decision by the Federal Court of Appeals introducing a new factor in a multi-factor test to be applied by the lower court. We find only limited evidence that this change in the legal rule has any impact upon the outcomes of lower court cases.
The debate between Uniqueness and Permissivism concerns whether a body of evidence sometimes allows multiple doxastic attitudes towards a proposition. An important motivation for Uniqueness is the so-called ‘arbitrariness argument,’ which says that Permissivism leads to some unacceptable arbitrariness with regard to one's beliefs. An influential response to the argument says that the arbitrariness in beliefs can be avoided by invoking epistemic standards. In this paper, I argue that such a response to the arbitrariness argument is unsuccessful. Then I defend a new response: contrary to common conception, the arbitrariness resulted by Permissivism is acceptable. The basic idea is that the arbitrariness resulted by Permissivism is analogous to the arbitrariness in permissive actions and the latter arbitrariness is intuitively acceptable. I answer three possible objections against this analogy, which are all motivated by the thought that beliefs aim at the truth. In addressing the last objection, I draw inspiration from the recent debate on transformative experience.
This article examines the emergence of a new emphasis on contemporary specialized knowledge in sixteenth-century China. During this period, sources of authority such as antiquity and the court came to lose their elevated status. As a result, scholars increasingly saw the expertise of a contemporary disciplinary community as a superior standard for validating knowledge. This trend appeared in scholarly collaboration and the citation of contemporaries, as well as new kinds of paratextual materials such as lists of works cited and literature reviews. These findings on new intellectual communities in the sixteenth century call for a reassessment of the better-documented shifts in East Asian intellectual culture from the mid-eighteenth century to the present.
Over 4,500 children were detained in Rwanda in 1998, most accused of participating in the genocide. This chapter introduces the issue of children accused of committing genocidal acts, but also more broadly, children involved in atrocities (including terrorist attacks). It explains the rationale for the book, noting that states have discretion to prosecute children but that there are various minimum standards, contained primarily in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, that must be upheld. These standards are binding in respect of all states that have ratified the treaty, yet post-conflict states often face significant reconstruction challenges. What, then, are the implications where states decide to prosecute minors for atrocity crimes? The chapter also introduces the role that international actors can play in enhancing implementation of, and compliance with, international standards, noting in particular UNICEF’s role as the lead UN agency for children in conflict with the law. The chapter notes the contribution of the book to existing scholarship and outlines the multidisciplinary approach, assumptions and methodology of the study, which includes semi-structured interviews and archival research, institutional and doctrinal analysis, and grounded theory and process tracing approaches. It also discusses the limitations and challenges involved in empirical research.
The responsibility for implementing and complying with international standards rests firmly with states. However, post-conflict states often lack resources and may also face significant socio-political challenges. Chapter 3 explores whether international child rights standards make any allowances for the context in which they are to be implemented, reviewing the ‘escape’ route of derogations, considering whether the economic, social and cultural context may be taken into account, and addressing textual flexibility. It also expounds factors, including resources and public opinion, that might affect the operationalisation of juvenile justice standards in particular. The state does not, however, operate in a vacuum. There is a range of international mechanisms that promote implementation of, and compliance with, human rights. This chapter reviews these mechanisms as they relate to children’s rights, examining in particular the Committee on the Rights of the Child established by the CRC to monitor state compliance with the treaty, before focusing in some detail on UNICEF. The chapter provides an overview of UNICEF’s institutional nature, its relationship with the CRC and its stance on juvenile justice, all of which are key to understanding UNICEF’s involvement in Rwanda and its approach to child génocidaires.
This concluding chapter considers the implications of insecurity for narratives of economic success and proletarianisation in eighteenth-century Britain. It argues that economic growth generated social inequality and was compatible with failure. Risk was built into the capitalist model. Credit was a tool that allowed for innovation and entrepreneurship, but it also brought people down. The assumption that periods of economic growth bring shared prosperity therefore requires revision. Furthermore, there was a much broader segment of society who were precarious in the eighteenth century than the proletariat, but they were precarious in different ways. Middling poverty was not built around their relationship to the means of production, their relationship to land tenure or their need to sell their labour. Instead, their insecurities were a result of their relationship to debt. A new vision of class formation is therefore necessary, which recognises these broader forms of insecurity.
Working in an Institute that centres Indigenous epistemologies and ontologies provides a challenge for the ongoing development of our understandings of Indigeneity and how we embed and embody these understandings. It also creates the opportunity for reflection and development both of pedagogical principles, as well as construction. Trends within the Institute to move to a new degree offering, led the University of Newcastle and the Wollotuka Institute to revisit questions of how to have these conversations together, how to create shared ideas about appropriate approaches and how to translate these shared understandings into real-time outcomes for students studying our courses. These processes are observed here with some examples provided to illuminate the challenging processes taken by experts involved with embodying Indigenous ontologies and epistemologies in this area through all processes of an indigenous centred unit in an Australian university.
In the present world, International Consensus Frameworks, commonly called global frameworks or global agendas, guide international development policies and practices. They guide the development of all countries and influence the development initiatives by their respective governments. Recent global frameworks, adopted mostly post-2015, include both a group of over-arching frameworks (eg, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction [SFDRR]) and a group of frameworks addressing specific issues (eg, the Dhaka Declaration on Disability and Disaster Risk Management). These global frameworks serve twin purposes: first, to set a global development standard, and second, to set policies and approaches to achieve these standards. A companion group of professional standards, guidelines, and tools (ie, Sphere’s Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards) guide the implementation and operationalization of these frameworks on the ground.
This paper gathers these global frameworks and core professional guidelines in one place, presents an analytical review of their essential features, and highlights the commonalities and differences between and among these frameworks. The aim of this paper is to facilitate understanding of these frameworks and to help in designing development and resilience policy, planning, and implementation, at international and national levels, where these frameworks complement and contribute to each other.
This Special Report describes an important and evolving aspect of the discipline and provides core information necessary to progress the science. Additionally, the report will help governments and policy makers to define their priorities and to design policies/strategies/programs to reflect the global commitments. Development practitioners can pre-empt the focus of the international community and the assistance coming from donors to the priority sectors, as identified in the global agenda. This would then help governments and stakeholders to develop and design a realistic plan and program and prepare the instruments and mechanisms to deliver the goals.
This chapter on standard setting began by exploring the differences between legal and economic notions of standards and what standard setting means in both research disciplines. We then further clarified the legal concept for environmental law, wherein we set out three forms of standards to be set: (i) target standards, such as or ambient quality standards; (ii) emission standards, and (iii) production or specification standards. We then discussed optimal standard setting and we reviewed cultural relativity, that different cultural communities might place various environmental goals in different priorities. Standard setting is clearly at the heart of environmental law -- to set environmental goals, predicated on community preferences, to better achieve desired levels of environmental welfare or services. But the task of standard setting is both as complex as the set of environmental challenges facing a community as it is complicated by the particular goals desired in diverse communities. Standard setting is then also a question of ‘environmental federalism; the guidelines for setting standards for local injuries and global injuries might differ substantially.
Placental weight is a valuable indicator of its function, predicting both pregnancy outcome and lifelong health. Population-based centile charts of weight-for-gestational-age and parity are useful for identifying extremes of placental weight but fail to consider maternal size. To address this deficit, a multiple regression model was fitted to derive coefficients for predicting normal placental weight using records from healthy pregnancies of nulliparous/multiparous women of differing height and weight (n = 107,170 deliveries, 37–43 weeks gestation). The difference between actual and predicted placental weight generated a z-score/individual centile for the entire cohort including women with pregnancy complications (n = 121,591). The association between maternal BMI and placental weight extremes defined by the new customised versus population-based standard was investigated by logistic regression, as was the association between low placental weight and pregnancy complications. Underweight women had a greater risk of low placental weight [<10thcentile, OR 1.84 (95% CI 1.66, 2.05)] and obese women had a greater risk of high placental weight [>90th centile, OR 1.98 (95% CI 1.88, 2.10)] using a population standard. After customisation, the risk of high placental weight in obese/morbidly obese women was attenuated [OR 1.17 (95% CI 1.09, 1.25)]/no longer significant, while their risk of low placental weight was 59%–129% higher (P < 0.001). The customised placental weight standard was more closely associated with stillbirth, hypertensive disease, placental abruption and neonatal death than the population standard. Our customised placental weight standard reveals higher risk of relative placental growth restriction leading to lower than expected birthweights in obese women, and a stronger association between low placental weight and pregnancy complications generally. Further, it provides an alternative tool for defining placental weight extremes with implications for the placental programming of chronic disease.
To evaluate the daily Se intake of 3- to 5-year-old Japanese children, we used seventy-two urine samples collected from fifty-three children (twenty-seven male and twenty-six female) from two cities in Miyagi prefecture, Japan. For measuring low Se concentrations with high precision, accuracy and rapidity in the 24-h urine samples, we developed an instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) method, that is without any chemical separation, using the short-lived 77mSe (t1/2 = 17·4 s) nuclide. The estimated Se intake of the fifty-three children was 51·5 (sd 30·2) µg/d (geometric mean: 42·7 µg/d). Ten subjects (three male and seven female), successfully provided 24-h urine samples over two or three consecutive days; their Se intake was 37·4 (sd 5·9) µg/d. Based on the logarithmically transformed data of these ten subjects, the ratio of intra-/inter-individual variances of usual Se intake was 16·7 (28·0/1·7) and geometric mean was 27·7 µg/d. The 5th to 95th percentile of usual Se intake of these ten subjects was 17·5 to 40·4 µg/d, which ranged between the recommended dietary allowance and tolerable upper intake level of Se by the Dietary Reference Intakes for Japanese (2015).