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Until recently, statistical consultants did not have to worry about being replaced by artificial intelligence. There was no statistical analogue to ‘Dr Google’ before ChatGPT arrived on the scene. Although ChatGPT (most of the time) adequately responds to basic queries such as the assumptions of different statistical tests or summarises relevant manuals on statistical software providing clear instructions with point-and-click software such as SPSS, there are many important aspects of statistical consulting that ChatGPT does not cover. This tutorial article is about these aspects: a summary of what statistical consulting is, its purpose and possible settings during the empirical research cycle, the role and responsibilities of the consultant and the client, how to ensure a good consulting experience, how to prepare for a consulting session, typical questions and more. The article was written for researchers who are considering contacting a statistician for the first time and aims to facilitate a good and fruitful consulting experience for all parties involved.
Much ink has been spilled on the scientist–practitioner gap, that is, the apparent divide between knowledge published in academic peer-reviewed journals and the actual business practices employed in modern organizations. Most prior papers have advanced meaningful theories on why the gap exists, ranging from poor communication skills on the part of academics to paywalls and other obstacles preventing the public from accessing research in industrial-organizational psychology (I-O). However, very few papers on the scientist–practitioner gap have taken an empirical approach to better understand why the gap exists and what can be done about it. In our focal article, we specifically discuss the gap as it pertains to small businesses and present empirical data on the topic. Drawing from our experiences working with and in small businesses before entering a PhD program, we suggest that a primary reason for the existence of this gap is the differences between large and small businesses, and we advance two theory-driven reasons for why this is the case. Next, we compiled abstracts and practical implications sections from articles published in top I-O journals in the past 5 years, then we collected ratings and open-ended text responses from subject matter experts (i.e., small business owners and managers) in reaction to reading these sections. We close by recommending several potential perspectives, both for and against our arguments, that peer commentators can take in their responses to our focal article.
Assuming directorship of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) was one step in Jane Lubchenco’s career that demonstrated her commitment to both basic and applied ecology. In her role as NOAA director, she helped coordinate the efforts of thousands of responders to the Deepwater Horizon spill, and helped evaluate the short- and long-term effects of the spill on marine ecosystems. Lubchenco’s research career began with an investigation into how two species of seastars coexist in intertidal communities. This experience led to a series of comparative studies of intertidal communities off the eastern and western US coastline, and a collaborative study off the Panama coastline. Her research highlighted that ecosystems are structured from the interactions of biotic factors such as herbivory and predation, and abiotic factors such as wave intensity and the presence of refuges to escape predation. A common thread running through her research is that indirect biotic interactions are important and easy to overlook. Field experiences and interactions with many colleagues motivated Lubchenco to get involved in a variety of initiatives that defined the future of ecological research and developed a core of researchers who were effective communicators of ecological applications.
Some vaccine-hesitant people lack epistemic trust in the COVID-19 vaccine recommendation that because vaccines have been shown to be medically safe and effective, one ought to get vaccinated. Citing what I call exception information, they claim that whatever the general safety and efficacy of vaccines, the vaccines may not be safe and effective for them. Examples include parents citing information about their children's health, pregnant women's concerns about the potential adverse effects of treatment on pregnant women, young people citing their relative invulnerability to extreme COVID-19 symptoms, or members of vulnerable racial groups citing epistemic injustice, such as a lack of representation in COVID-19 vaccine trials. This paper examines the extent to which a lack of epistemic trust in vaccine recommendations, based on such exemption information, is rational.
The science of human development informs our thinking about children and their development. The Brain Development Revolution asks how and why has brain development become the major lens for understanding child development, and its consequences. It describes the 1997 I Am Your Child campaign that engaged public attention through a sophisticated media communications effort, a White House conference, and other events. It explores the campaign's impact, including voter initiatives to fund early childhood programs and a national campaign for prekindergarten education, but also several missed opportunities. The study examines why brain development compels our attention, why we are – but shouldn't be – neurodeterminists, and the challenges of communicating developmental brain science. This book examines the framing of the brain development story, the selectivity of the messaging, and overpromising the results of early programs. Lastly, it discusses proposals for how science communication can be improved to better serve children and the public.
Invasive species can have disastrous effects on the ecosystems they invade, requiring costly, labour-intensive mitigation. Public awareness campaigns are often used as a tool to reduce these species’ impacts. While heralded as useful and cost-effective, little evidence suggests that these campaigns contribute to meaningful biological outcomes. Furthermore, awareness campaigns are relatively understudied despite their usage as a common approach to mitigating invasive species. We conducted a literature review to assess publications that evaluated the efficacy of public awareness campaigns for managing invasive species. Out of 4382 papers initially extracted for analysis, we determined that 24 of them included studies conducted on awareness campaigns for invasive species. Four public awareness campaigns were deemed a ‘success’, and the other campaigns’ success was indeterminable due to study design. Our study revealed that inconsistencies in defined end points, unclear procedures and variability of campaigns contribute to there being insufficient evidence to determine the efficacy of public awareness campaigns. To evaluate the true efficacy of public awareness campaigns, we recommend that organizations conducting such campaigns implement rigorous and standardized assessments (e.g., Before–After Control–Impact designs or Bayesian analyses) that include measures of not just changes in the knowledge and behaviour of target audiences, but also relevant biological outcomes.
In recent works, Stephen John (2018, Social Epistemology32(2), 75–87; 2019, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A78, 64–72) has deepened the social epistemological perspective on expert testimony by arguing that science communication often operates at the institutional level, and that at that level sincerity, transparency, and honesty are not necessarily epistemic virtues. In this paper I consider his arguments in the context of science journalism, a key constituent of the science communication ecosystem. I argue that this context reveals both the weakness of his arguments and a need for further analysis of how non-experts learn from experts.
In decision-making, facts should be distinguished from values. Values influence the decisions by scientists about what kinds of research to do and how to do it. But the norms of science, over time, promote the evolution of increasingly accurate understanding of facts. It is easier to establish facts when observations are repeatable and ostensible. Sustainability decisions usually require assessment of facts in very specific contexts, and that can increase uncertainty. In such cases, deliberation with interested and affected parties can help get the science right and get the right science. When the powerful see their interests threatened by increasing awareness of risks, they often try to slow the emergence of scientific consensus, especially by emphasizing uncertainty.
The importance of inter- and transdisciplinary research for addressing today’s complex challenges has been increasingly recognised. This requires new forms of communication and interaction between researchers from different disciplines and nonacademic stakeholders. Demonstrators constitute a crucial communication tool in technology research and development and have the potential to leverage communication between different bodies of knowledge. However, there is little knowledge on how to design demonstrators. This research aims to understand how demonstrators from the fields Internet of Things and Robotics are designed to communicate technology. The goal is to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of demonstrator practice with readily implemented design knowledge and to advance theoretical knowledge in the field of communicating artefacts. We thematically analysed 28 demonstrator design cases, which led to a typology that assists in categorising and understanding 13 key design principles. The typology is built from three perspectives: First, in terms of the overall goal communication, second, in terms of visitor engagement goals (attraction, initial engagement, deep engagement) and third, in terms of resource-related goals (low effort in development and operation). With this typology, we have taken a significant step towards understanding demonstrator design principles for effective technology communication between different stakeholders.
There is an enduring connection within the human consciousness between forests and climate, whereby forests are understood to influence climate and that clearing the woods or planting trees changes climate. From several centuries, this idea exploded onto public awareness with the belief that clearing forests improved climate. The drive for climate betterment gave way to concern for a decline in rainfall as the forests were cleared, and the nineteenth century saw repeated calls in all reaches of the world to reforest denuded lands to increase rainfall. Meteorologists, however, dismissed an influence of forests on climate, and the science of forest meteorology was forgotten. Now, forests are again recognized for their climate benefits. Like our forebears, we again talk of purposely using forests to improve climate. Protecting existing forests, restoring degraded forests, and planting new forests are seen as critical to solving the climate problem. That the biosphere is fundamental to, not separate from, climate is a core tenet of the newly emerging Earth system science. This realization is not new. It is borne from the long, controversial chronicle of forests and climate change.
Large-scale societal issues such as public health crises highlight the need to communicate scientific information, which is often uncertain, accurately to the public and policy makers. The challenge is to communicate the inherent scientific uncertainty — especially about the underlying quality of the evidence — whilst supporting informed decision making. Little is known about the effects that such scientific uncertainty has on people’s judgments of the information. In three experimental studies (total N=6,489), we investigate the influence of scientific uncertainty about the quality of the evidence on people’s perceived trustworthiness of the information and decision making. We compare the provision of high, low, and ambiguous quality-of-evidence indicators against providing no such cues. Results show an asymmetric relationship: people react more strongly to cues of low quality of evidence than they do to high quality of evidence compared to no cue. While responses to a cue of high quality of evidence are not significantly different from no cue; a cue of low or uncertain quality of evidence is accompanied by lower perceived trustworthiness and lower use of the information in decision making. Cues of uncertain quality of evidence have a similar effect to those of low quality. These effects do not change with the addition of a reason for the indicated quality level. Our findings shed light on the effects of the communication of scientific uncertainty on judgment and decision making, and provide insights for evidence-based communications and informed decision making for policy makers and the public.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, public health guidance (e.g., regarding the use ofnon-medical masks) changed over time. Although many revisions were a result ofgains in scientific understanding, we nonetheless hypothesized that makingchanges in guidance salient would negatively affect evaluations of experts andhealth-protective intentions. In Study 1 (N = 300), wedemonstrate that describing COVID-19 guidance in terms of inconsistency (versusconsistency) leads people to perceive scientists and public health authoritiesless favorably (e.g., as less expert). For participants in Canada(n = 190), though not the U.S. (n = 110),making guidance change salient also reduced intentions to download a contacttracing app. In Study 2 (N = 1399), we show that a briefforewarning intervention mitigates detrimental effects of changes in guidance.In the absence of forewarning, emphasizing inconsistency harmed judgments ofpublic health authorities and reduced health-protective intentions, butforewarning eliminated this effect.
This chapter analyses the development of IPCC policy for the communication of its reports, the content and style of IPCC communication, and how IPCC knowledge becomes reappropriated for alternative, often political, purposes. In doing so, we review IPCC policy documents, key literature on the IPCC and climate science communication, as well as providing a case study of a recent controversy in IPCC communication: the reappropriation of a paragraph from the IPCC 1.5 ºC special report to headline a political campaign that there were only 12 years to prevent dangerous climate change. This controversy highlights the huge transformations in the political and media landscapes since the IPCC’s formation in 1988 and opens up the question of whether its communication approach remains fit for purpose. We highlight how the IPCC’s communication dilemma stems from the historic decision to design it to be an authoritative voice rather than a deliberative space.
The maxim of proponents of pseudoscience is to spread ignorance through false perceptions of its scientific status. One of its most attractive — and simultaneously harmful — manifestations is complementary and alternative medicine (CAM). Despite the scientific evidence against them, CAM has taken hold in today’s society as a therapeutic model for a growing segment of the population. We analysed 379 articles on homeopathy, acupuncture, reiki and Bach flower remedies published in mainstream Spanish newspapers (El País, El Mundo, La Vanguardia, El Periódico and ABC) for the period 2011-2016, finding that disinformation is participated in actively by the Spanish press. CAM content was detected in these newspapers, together with a lack of an editorial perspective. In most of the cases, the uncritical articles were found in the interpretive genre and the society section. We also characterized the pseudoscientific discourse aimed at the public, finding that it is irrational and fraudulent in sowing fear and distrust regarding science. On the basis of theories invalidated by the scientific method and on appeals to the emotions, pseudoscience not only threatens scientific knowledge, but directly undermines public health by encouraging the abandonment of conventional medicine. In order to remedy this situation, better scientific training, informative screening and editorial commitment is urgently needed in the Spanish press.
Politics and science have become increasingly intertwined. Salient scientific issues, such as climate change, evolution, and stem-cell research, become politicized, pitting partisans against one another. This creates a challenge of how to effectively communicate on such issues. Recent work emphasizes the need for tailored messages to specific groups. Here, we focus on whether generalized messages also can matter. We do so in the context of a highly polarized issue: extreme COVID-19 vaccine resistance. The results show that science-based, moral frame, and social norm messages move behavioral intentions, and do so by the same amount across the population (that is, homogeneous effects). Counter to common portrayals, the politicization of science does not preclude using broad messages that resonate with the entire population.
Science communication is an important practice in psychological research. With this chapter, we examine this practice in mainstream psychological research. We look at the ways that our words, definitions, and descriptions (of experimental studies) create a world of categories, called ‘natural kinds’. We describe how these natural kinds are constructed by our communication practices and subsequently serve as targets for social action, which then further construct the meaning of the natural kinds.
Psychological science constructs much of the knowledge that we consume in our everyday lives. This book is a systematic analysis of this process, and of the nature of the knowledge it produces. The authors show how mainstream scientific activity treats psychological properties as being fundamentally stable, universal, and isolable. They then challenge this status quo by inviting readers to recognize that dynamics, context-specificity, interconnectedness, and uncertainty, are a natural and exciting part of human psychology – these are not things to be avoided and feared, but instead embraced. This requires a shift toward a process-based approach that recognizes the situated, time-dependent, and fundamentally processual nature of psychological phenomena. With complex dynamic systems as a framework, this book sketches out how we might move toward a process-based praxis that is more suitable and effective for understanding human functioning.
This Element introduces the philosophical literature on values in science by examining four questions: (1) How do values influence science? (2) Should we actively incorporate values in science? (3) How can we manage values in science responsibly? (4) What are some next steps for those who want to help promote responsible roles for values in science? It explores arguments for and against the “value-free ideal” for science (i.e., the notion that values should be excluded from scientific reasoning) and concludes that it should be rejected. Nonetheless, this does not mean that value influences are always acceptable. The Element explores a range of strategies for distinguishing between appropriate and inappropriate value influences. It concludes by proposing an approach for managing values in science that relies on justifying, prioritising, and implementing norms for scientific research practices and institutions.
When laypersons are presented with scientific information which seeks to modify their way of life, they are expected to believe, suspend belief, or reject it. Second-order assessment of scientific experts helps laypersons to make an informed decision in such situations. This is an assessment of the trustworthiness of the person making the scientific claim. In this paper I challenge the optimistic view of Anderson (2011), regarding the ease with which laypersons can perform second-order assessment of experts, by pointing out some of the obstacles that may prevent laypersons from arriving at an informed decision through this means. By showing that laypersons cannot easily perform second-order assessment of experts, I make a case for sharing epistemic burdens in science communication by using Lackey's (2006) concept of dualism in the epistemology of testimony and Irzik and Kurtulmus’ (2019) work on public epistemic trust in science, as a guide. I invite experts to bear a greater share of the epistemic burden when communicating with laypersons because of their privileged epistemic condition vis-à-vis laypersons.
There are limited educational opportunities regarding aquatic invasive species (AIS) management that target laypersons. This is a significant gap, particularly as nonprofessionals are often tasked with making decisions about whether and how to pursue AIS control efforts, for example, through their roles in community lake associations. Thus, there is a need for educational programs to help consumers of AIS management services, “do-it-yourself” lakeshore homeowners, and other engaged nonprofessionals gain a stronger foundation in the science and practice of AIS management. We helped fill this unmet need through development of a new online course, AIS Management 101, that targets lakeshore property owners, lake association members, and other nonprofessionals engaged in AIS decision making, seeking to make them better-informed consumers. The course covers concepts ranging from basic invasive species biology to pesticide science, treatment evaluation, regulations and permitting, and nonchemical management tools. Participants in the course demonstrated significant knowledge gains through check-in and check-out knowledge assessments. Course participants also reported greater understanding of key issues pertaining to AIS management and application of this improved knowledge to actual management decisions following completion of the course. While this program focuses on management of aquatic invasive species, similar approaches could be applied to lay audiences engaged in management of terrestrial invasive species or other natural resource issues.