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nternational lawyers and political economists look at exits from armed conflict from different perspectives. From a legal perspective, the role of law has been to provide a framework to regulate the use of force and to articulate a common vision of the pathways towards constitutional democracies. In the post-Cold War period, the UN and other international actors hoped to end armed conflict through peace agreements, peacekeeping, statebuilding and peacebuilding – summarised as creating a ‘liberal peace’. But armed conflicts have become internal and complex – and there has been widespread recognition that the ‘liberal peace’ has not, and cannot, deliver. From a political economy perspective, the process of forming political settlements gives some explanation: law is less relevant than the reordering of partisan interests of power holders. This questions the viability of attempts to build a ‘liberal peace’. The insights of political economy are thus a reality check to inform the search for viable alternatives to prevent or exit violent conflict.
This essay argues that invisibility is a missing keyword and concept in modernist studies. Taking off from the observation that modernism begins and ends with two novels about invisible men, (The Invisible Man, H. G. Wells, 1897; Invisible Man, Ralph Ellison, 1952), it shows that invisibility offers a new way to think about a swath of key issues. Reading these two texts as bookends to the modernist period opens up not only this singular connection, but a broader web of intertwined forces and topics, and reveals some of the ways that technology, social status, race, science, violence and power were often thought together. Whether as a fantasy or a delusion, a desire or an ironic reality, invisibility mattered to writers in the first half of the century; restoring it to critical view helps to realign and in many cases deepen a range of works and their most pressing preoccupations.
Although nineteenth-century legislation had tried to ensure a precise separation between genre and institution for Parisian music in the theatre, it had inadvertently laid out a field on which the politics of genre could be played out as agents and actors of all types deployed various forms of artistic power. During the Second Empire, from 1854 until 1870, the state took over day-to-day control of the Opéra in ways that were without precedent. Every element of the Opéra's activity was subjugated to the exigency of Empire; the selection or artists, works and more general questions of artistic policy were handed over to politicians. The Opéra effectively became a branch of government. The result was a stagnation of the Opéra's repertory, and beneficiaries were the composers of larger-scale works for competing organisations: the Opéra Comique and the Théâtre Lyrique.
This paper presents the detailed dynamic modeling of a quadruped robot. The forward and inverse kinematic analysis of each leg of the proposed model is deduced using Denavit-Hartenberg (D-H) parameters. It desires to calculate the optimal feet forces of the quadruped robot’s joint torque, which is essential for its online control. To find out the optimal feet force distribution, two approaches are implemented to fulfill the locomotion objective. The four-legged quadruped robot and torso body’s detailed dynamics are modeled to generate an equation of motion for the robot control system. The Euler–Langrage theory has been used to find out the joint motion. The computer simulation results are presented to verify the effectiveness of the dynamic model.
British power at India’s northwest and northeast frontiers was only occasionally predicated on categorising and codifying, emanating more often from indeterminacy and upheaval. These were spaces of productive difficulties for colonial administrators, who prized as well as feared the supposed unruliness of uplands and deserts at the state’s fringes. This chapter provides a theoretical outline of how India’s frontiers became spaces of scientific and governmental exception, situating the book’s core arguments in relation to scholarship on power, knowledge, territory, and borderlands. It proposes that although internally fragmented by social structures, terrain, and colonial categories, colonial India’s frontiers took shape through ideational and material connections and comparisons. Following increasingly intense interventions from the later 1860s, by the turn of the twentieth century frontiers were established as crucial spaces of imperial power, science, and self-fashioning.
This chapter explores the gulf that existed in British India between theories of linear boundaries and unitary sovereign territory on the one hand, and precarious practices of bordering on the other. It analyses three distinct periods of bordering common to the northwest and northeast frontiers. In the mid-nineteenth century, colonial officials sought to instantiate partially porous borders that would provide security while allowing themselves freedom of action in frontier regions. The limitations of these schemes led to a widespread flurry of bordering in the 1860s and 1870s led by administrators ‘on the spot’. Much of this activity contradicted orders from superiors, and took the form of breaking existing boundaries as well as instantiating new ones. A third period, around the turn of the twentieth century, saw heightened attention to international boundaries. These borders remained fragmented and limited. They also had disruptive effects on internal boundaries, reopening questions over where the frontier began.
This chapter considers key aspects of the context that affect participants’ judgements of other people’s behaviour as well as their own. It starts by drawing an important distinction between context and the focal event and points out that while participants evaluate the focal event, that focal event is embedded in a context that frames interpretation and hence needs to be understood conceptually. The chapter explores it from two main angles: the scene and the participants, unpacking each of these angles in turn and considering how cultural factors may influence participants’ conceptualisation and interpretation of the various components of the context. The discussion not only emphasises that context is particularly important in intercultural encounters, but also that it cannot be limited to linguistic context, or even to aspects of contexts that can be studied with the conventional inventory of politeness research. Individuals bring a complex cluster of pre-existing extralinguistic and extra-contextual knowledge to interactions, and this cluster may underlie a striking variety of miscommunications in contexts where common ground is minimal. This, in turn, implies that any theory of context in intercultural politeness needs to be multidisciplinary in character. There are three main sections to the chapter: scene; participants; focal event.
Chapter 6 considers the most controversial topics in the study of social influence, obedience to authority. The chapter reviews empirical findings concerning obedience in children. These demonstrate how children adopt a complex cognitive assessment of obedience in everyday life. This is countered by what are seemingly more rudimentary processes demonstrated by adults in one of psychology’s best known experiments: Milgram’s obedience demonstrations. The chapter goes on to examine the social identity account of obedience following a review of the Utrecht studies. The latter replicated Milgram’s installation in an ecologically more valid set-up using mediated expression of violence. The chapter concludes by arguing that the obedience response to authority is primarily 'natural' and necessary for human sociality; it enables communities to thrive by working towards the realisation of common goods through unquestioned acceptance of authority by consent. Only secondarily, obedience processes can morph into dysfunctional 'authoritarianism' that thwarts human potential.
This chapter focuses on colonial military ventures against frontier communities, which were widely deployed throughout the nineteenth century. It foregrounds previously overlooked debates between administrators and soldiers on dynamics of state and tribal violence in Baluchistan, the Naga Hills, and along the Punjab frontier. Despite environmental and social differences, in northeast and northwest alike, administrators frequently argued that violence could be a method of educating ostensibly refractory tribes, which could be punished legitimately as a corporate body. The colonial also often employed frontier inhabitants as agents of colonial violence, deriving an unstable form of power from the very methods it derided as barbaric. The chapter shows that this was just one of many tensions within colonial frontier violence. Many administrators viewed it as ineffective, believed that it threatened the moral basis of imperial rule, and advanced contrasting conceptions of an individualised tribal subject.
This paper engages Rainer Forst's doctrine of noumenal power. At the centre of this doctrine is its signature claim that power is noumenal in nature. I reconstruct Forst's definition of power and distinguish three conceptions of noumenal power in his writings. I argue that, on each conception, we should reject that claim. It emerges that the professed noumenality of power is either a trivial feature of power, or else a feature only of some forms of power. Consequently, Forst's definition of power cannot be adequate and the claim that power is noumenal in nature is either trivial or false.
Chapter 6 is the longest and the most elaborate chapter of De mundo. The topic of the chapter is God and his relation to the cosmos. This relation is explained by a sequence of no less than twelve analogies. It is argued that this proliferation of analogies is not an extravagant rhetorical profusion, but an elaborate explanatory device that affords the reader a fuller grasp of God: the sequence is composed in such a way that one analogy corrects or supplements another, thus building a complex conception of God in the mind of the reader. Following a detailed analysis of the analogies and their relations, the conception of God that emerges is discussed. It is argued that this conception is a distinctly Aristotelian one, albeit with some interesting elaborations and additions. The absence of Aristotle’s technical terms in the explanation of God and his relation to the world, it is suggested, is a consequence of the author’s attempt to make the Aristotelian conception of God attractive to non-Aristotelians as well. This contribution ends with a note on the use of quotations in Chapter 6, since nine out of the twelve quotations in De mundo are found in this one chapter.
Max Weber’s influence on currents of thought over the past century has been profound and far-reaching. This chapter surveys four main areas of impact: the philosophy of the social sciences; class, economy, and rationalization; religion, culture, and social change; and power, politics, and the nation-state. A concluding section addresses the contemporary status of Weber’s thinking regarding the “rise of the West” and its place in world history.
Austin Harrington is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Leeds. His recent publications include German Cosmopolitan Social Thought and the Idea of the West: Voices from Weimar (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and Georg Simmel: Essays on Art and Aesthetics (University of Chicago Press, 2020).
Unimpeded by questionable “general” theories, the Conflict Management Approach (CMA) holds that conflict is normal, structural, and behavioral and has to be managed in its own terms. The idea that peace is divisible into negative and positive phases, though creative in Galtung’s time, is unrealistic. Peace to needs to be broken down further, into more helpful sequences, with more sophisticated distinctions. This chapter describes what is meant by the CMA, and compares it to the other primary theoretical approaches analyzed in this volume. This chapter focuses on the importance of CMA as a hybrid approach, which is liberal in its view of feasibility, realist in its view of the problem, and cosmopolitan in its view of responses. This essay also addresses some of the challenges CMA faces from the “New World of Disorder” and concludes with a brief discussion about the possibilities CMA has as the new “ideal type” for the future of peacebuilding.
There are three problems with Anglo-American twenty-first century feminist dystopian imaginings: a lack of critical dystopias, that is, texts that carefully balance utopia and dystopia in order to retain political motivational power; the imaginative exploitation of female suffering for commercial gain, in particular the commodification of Black pain; and, a lack of critical distance from reality. This chapter considers how feminist critical dystopias might be reimagined from an intersectional twenty-first-century perspective, both theoretically and through literary criticism. Darko Suvin’s theory of science fiction identifies the necessity of estrangement, and of balancing utopia and dystopia to retain the politically motivating power of critique. The chapter interrogates Suvin’s concept of the ‘zero world’ from a feminist perspective, suggesting that contemporary feminist critical dystopias might be most empowered and empowering if mapped in relation to the (almost) universal zero world of women not in power. The second section comprises an analysis of Naomi Alderman’s The Power (2016) as an example of a contemporary feminist dystopia that performs these theoretical requirements.
Environmental sociologists working in the intersection of medical and political sociology on topics related to environmental public health are bridging knowledge gaps around environmental risks, exposures, government accountability, and public mobilization. This most recent turn of environmental sociology engages in boundary crossing efforts that move beyond pure research to intervention that affects both health and environmental policy. In this chapter we examine how environmental sociologists have advanced understanding environmental health issues, in particular through pushing for social and structural understandings of traditionally individualized disease experiences. Alongside environmental justice activists, environmental sociologists argue for an intersectional approach to examining the roles of racism, gender, and social class in understanding the mechanisms that target vulnerable communities for pollution. Social scientists have highlighted broad impacts of environmental harms including complex physical effects, direct and indirect mental health impacts, and community-wide strains on social relations within affected communities. While several barriers exist that challenge this work, including academic expectations with respect to standards of proof, sample sizes, and institutional priorities, we point to equity building processes, such as community-based participatory research, civic science, and critical epidemiology, in which social scientists are well positioned to critically engage.
African scholarship on epistemic decolonization and African self-determination has generated reflection and debate among African Studies scholars for several decades. The debate has gained new force in recent years and has resonated in African studies in new ways, prompted in part by political events and social activism around enduring racism. Grosz-Ngaté’s 2019 Presidential Lecture provides an opportunity to reflect further on these issues. It explores questions related to the production and decolonization of knowledge in conversations with colleagues in Mali and Senegal and draws out the implications of these discussions for African Studies Association members and for the Association at large.
What is the role of nostalgia in our increasingly dynamic and interconnected world? This special issue, Mobilizing Nostalgia in Asia, assesses the mobilization of nostalgia in the changing international order, and within individuated socioeconomic and cultural spheres. Its four articles examine the political and social dynamics that evoke, utilize, amend, and manipulate nostalgia for collective present needs and demands. This Introduction connects the issue's four contributions to three interconnected themes: the power of nostalgia, the plurality of nostalgia, and nostalgia as a process of creation.
The idea of capacity is central to Godwin’s political theory. In spite of his assurance that equality is unrelated to physical or intellectual ability, Godwin makes individual and social liberty contingent upon the types of contributions one’s capacities allow. His political system inevitably produces exceptions (those who do not or cannot contribute to the general good) for which he needs to devise additional measures. People who lack the right kinds of mental and physical capacities prove to be an intractable difficulty. In his fiction, Godwin centralizes the idea that the mind should work in concert with the body, and sees incapacity in either of these as socially and personally problematic. We see this in his repeated use of automata, dolls, and characters who disengage from their bodies in various ways; and in his fictional use of rejuvenation and cure. Godwin speculates that when reason governs society, illness and incapacity will no longer be present. His attitude towards deformity is quite separate from his views on capacity. Deformity, in Godwin’s fiction, is usually a visual sign of an evil character, and he does not articulate the prodigious phase of disability.
The shocking characteristics of Rwanda's genocide in 1994 have etched themselves indelibly on the global conscience. The Path to Genocide in Rwanda combines extensive, original field data with some of the best existing evidence to evaluate the myriad theories behind the genocide and to offer a rigorous and comprehensive explanation of how and why it occurred, and why so many Rwandans participated in it. Drawing on interviews with over three hundred Rwandans, Omar Shahabudin McDoom systematically compares those who participated in the violence against those who did not. He contrasts communities that experienced violence early with communities where violence began late, as well as communities where violence was limited with communities where it was massive. His findings offer new perspectives on some of the most troubling questions concerning the genocide, while also providing a broader engagement with key theoretical debates in the study of genocides and ethnic conflict.
This final chapter not only compares the different approaches in terms of conceptual strategies and theoretical premises but also evaluates their advantages and disadvantages. In particular, it shows that the German tradition provides the most general account of recognition but also lacks the critical observations made by the two other accounts. In the French tradition the emphasis on the potential for domination helps to overcome the “power-blindness” of the German notion of "recognition”; in the British tradition the emphasis on the importance of education and socialization helps to overcome the “educational blindness” of the German tradition. In this spirit the final chapter offers a systematic integration of all three notions of “recognition” that were reconstructed in the earlier chapters.