Some people take orders all day. Others give them. And most people are somewhere in the middle. While relations of “who orders whom” are generally established through formalized hierarchies of authority, informal relations such as business partnerships and even friendships are also frequently hierarchical in some way: some business partners have more control over important resources, some friends have more clout. Indeed, status and reputation structure almost all areas of social life. To understand social structure, we must attend to both horizontal relations in which individuals are connected through frequently mutual feelings of belonging, as well as vertical relations of power, authority, deference, and status that are asymmetric. Ultimately, how community and hierarchy combine is one of the most vexing concerns in the social sciences. Building on the previous chapter’s focus on groups and cohesion, this chapter focuses on aspects of social structures that are more asymmetric, centralized, or hierarchical.

This chapter addresses the book’s first question by focusing on the Realist critique of classical Pragmatism. This insists that political interests corrupt processes of social learning and argues that power determines how best practice (and the public good) is defined. This criticism was levelled directly at Dewey by his contemporaries, especially Morgenthau and Niebuhr, and it continues to inform neorealism. Inspired by Dewey’s response, the chapter argues Pragmatism is not blind to power or self-interest, it simply emphasizes, like contemporary IR constructivists, that understandings of the self (its identity and its interests) are not fixed; they are instead contingent on the self’s experience of interacting with its material and social environment. The normative implication for Pragmatists is that theorists should render that process intelligent by subjecting it to ‘conscientious reflection’. That process is a political one to the extent access to a community of inquiry is contingent on power. Part of the Pragmatist ‘vocation’ is a commitment to balancing political power by supporting Deweyan ‘publics’: those who are indirectly affected by practice but excluded from the relevant communities of practice. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the implication for key concepts in Realist and Pragmatist thought, including tragedy, prudence and learning.

This chapter proceeds to the question of the authority of international criminal law. Although there are links between international criminal law and public international law, rooted in the treaty agreements which created the former, the partly compulsory nature of international criminal law sets it apart from other forms of public international law. Accordingly, this chapter focuses on the way in which the Rome Statute’s jurisdiction, as its primary exercise of power, and, potentially, authority are set out in the treaty and how this may affect its authority. As its jurisdictional provisions also permit the UNSC to make referrals to the Court, where a situation threatens international peace and security, the question of this power going beyond ‘typical’ jurisdictional powers is discussed in the context of power politics. This will allow an exploration of the mechanism as a legitimate exercise of power.

The final substantive discussion looks at the idea of authority rooted in both justice and rights, discussing the development of international criminal justice alongside the human rights movement, and the way in which the justification for following such rules in rooted in an understanding of the rules serving the international population, particularly those vulnerable to atrocity crimes and victims of previous crimes. It examines the implications for a theory of authority based on rights for areas such as positive complementarity and UNSC referrals, and how these areas may need to adjust to conform to an understanding of authority which supports the legitimate exercise of power in this area. As is frequently noted, the Court’s main aim is to end impunity. If this is truly the case, it should move towards a complete approach to complementarity. This completeness should involve the generalised support for domestic prosecutions to ensure that its exercises of power are truly legitimate.

Much has been written about the legitimacy of international criminal law and the International Criminal Court. The underlying problem of what would constitute legitimacy or authority for the Court is rarely explored. This work seeks to deal with the issue by exploring the concept of authority and seeking to provide a theory of authority of international criminal law. The overarching intention of the work is to contribute to a more focused debate on the reasons for the Court’s perceived and actual lack of legitimacy.

Confronting models with data is only effective when the statistical model matches the biological one and the structure of your data collection is right for the statistical model. We outline some basic principles of sampling, emphasizing the importance of randomization. Randomization is also essential to experimental design, but so are controls, replication of experimental units, and independence of experimental units. This chapter emphasizes the distinction between sampling or experimental units representing independent instances and observational units representing things we measure or count from those units. Observational units may be subsamples of experimental units, but shouldn’t be confused with them. In this chapter, we also introduce methods for deciding how much data you need.

The role of social networks in business, and entrepreneurship, in particular, is widely acknowledged. Chapter 2 explores the ways in which business persons relate to networks and how networks impact the circumstances of entrepreneurs. The enabling and constraining properties of networks, their effects on participants, and their subsequent social consequences have all been extensively explored in a large and growing literature. A feature of social network analysis lies in its tendency to deploy structural perspectives in explaining social outcomes. Chapter 2 highlights the ways in which social networks operate as a context in which individual initiative and engagement lead to the making and remaking of network attributes. An empirical examination of business networks in Chinese cities reveals the way in which the formation and maintenance of networks require the conscious contributions of their members, how network norms are produced by the expressed preferences of individual members, and finally how network membership involves management of network participants.

This chapter explores how writing is used and controlled by authority, and illustrates how writing can hold social relations in place as well as challenge them – how it can channel authority as well as undermine it, and how it wields the power to regulate and persuade. Writing practices and writing spaces can be restricted in a wide variety of ways from limitations of access and availability through to legal prohibition. The examples show that who writes and what they write can be both regulated and used to regulate or influence the behaviour of others. The power of writing may convey instructions that we ignore at our peril, or may simply be a gentle encouragement to act or think in a particular way. Often the softer persuasive force of writing works to shape the way in which we see the world and how we think about our place in it.

Biological data commonly involve multiple predictors. This chapter starts expanding our models to include multiple categorical predictors (factors) when they are in factorial designs. These designs allow us to introduce synergistic effects – interactions. Two- and three-factor designs are used to illustrate the estimation and interpretation of interactions. Our approach is first to consider the most complex interactions and use them to decide whether it is helpful to continue examining simple interactions. Main effects – single predictors acting independently of each other – are the last to be considered. We also deal with problems caused by missing observations (unbalanced designs) and missing cells (fractional and incomplete factorials) and discuss how to estimate and interpret them.

The work concludes by drawing together the threads of the theory of authority, demonstrating its quiet controversy and undermining its conceptualisation as an archaic aspect of jurisprudence. It is aimed to demonstrate the significant implications that a failure to adequately understand and set out the authority of institutions in international criminal law could have. The question of legitimacy is redundant should there be no exploration of authority, and thus the initial discussion, which demonstrated the link between authority and legitimacy, provided a foundation for the discussion of, effectively, whether exercises of power in international criminal law can be viewed as legitimate.

This chapter examines the role of authority in public international law, based on the preceding discussion of authority and legitimacy in the context of exercises of power. Although there is a source of power, if not authority, at the domestic level in the form of government, this does not automatically transfer to the international level. This is primarily because the international system exists without a central authority. The question automatically arises of who ought to be able to make such rules, and whether the requirement for the exercise of autonomy is still as critical as it would be at the domestic level. The discussion is based on an analysis of foundational texts, exploring the ideas of authority at the international level expounded by Grotius and Vitoria, before moving on to work by more recent authors.

This chapter begins to shape the theory of authority posited by this book, by exploring the way in which the authority of international criminal law is rooted in both justice and rights, exploring the development of international criminal justice in parallel with the human rights movement, and the way in which both have sought to serve victims of abuse. It also explores the way in which a reliance on State consent as the source of authority can undermine the authority of international criminal law. This argument is underpinned using Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) scholarship, which offers the opportunity to move away from the Euro- and State-centric approach to international criminal law and encourages a greater focus on domestic prosecution. The discussion engages with what this complete approach should comprise, exploring the impact of generalised support for domestic prosecutions to ensure that its exercises of power are truly legitimate.

Of particular concern in the literature on business is the importance of trust and the disabling consequences of broken trust on business partnerships. Chapter 3 draws on extensive interviews in exploring the issue of trust, and reports novel findings which lead to new theoretical formulations. It has been central in sociological understanding that embeddedness in social and business exchanges generates and maintains interpersonal trust. Should opportunistic behaviour or violation of trust occur it is routinely assumed that such breaches would be exposed or punished, including reputation loss and exclusion from future exchange opportunities. What is less explored is that breaches of trust in many instances may not lead to disclosure of such a behaviour or termination of exchange relationships. Chapter 3 expands our understanding of broken trust. It identifies and explores mechanisms which operate in avoidance of confrontation, exposure and retaliation in instances of breaches of trust and also strategies employed by entrepreneurs in continuation of exchange relationships with violators of trust. The chapter examines underexplored aspects of the complexity and dynamics of business exchange relations and points to a rethinking of trust and social exchange.

This chapter deals with an analysis of sovereignty and complementarity, including the political idea of ‘sovereignty costs,’ in which powerful actors will commit to actions which limit their power to achieve overarching aims. The exercise of complementarity in both postcolonial States and wealthy, Western States are also examined to determine whether such exercises of complementarity undermine the Court, or if these could reinforce the Court’s authority. The issue of shielding, as the protection of citizens from international prosecution through obfuscation, as a natural corollary to the preceding discussion, is then analysed, taking the examination of the situation in the UK/Iraq as a prime example. This serves as a precursor to a discussion of the examination of Afghanistan, which may confront the same issues and should be considered given that the UK/Iraq examination by the Court has now been concluded.

The model fitting and estimation approach is laid out using two simple linear models, one for a continuous biological predictor variable and one for a categorical predictor. These two models are the familiar simple linear regression and the single-factor ANOVA. We show how these two models are variations on a theme and describe how to fit them to data. The model fitting is treated in detail, laying the foundation for more complex models in the following chapters. We emphasize what the model parameters mean, how to estimate them, calculate standard errors and confidence intervals, and test hypotheses about them. For categorical predictors, we introduce and recommend planned comparisons (contrasts) to examine patterns across categories. Checking assumptions and identifying unusual and influential data is detailed, as is the use of power analysis to determine necessary sample sizes.

This chapter examines how the concept of authority relates to questions such as how law binds its subjects, and whether certain rules ought to be followed. This is important at all levels of rule-making, but particularly so in respect of domestic criminal law, because of the way in which criminal law requires individuals to adhere to a certain level of conduct. These restrictions, such as they are, have a direct impact on individual autonomy with the aim of protecting the vulnerable and securing society in respect of crimes against the person. Although it is acknowledged that criminal law regulates a variety of conduct, the focus here is on crimes against the person because of its relevance to much of the conduct proscribed under international criminal law.

Staël with Delphine in 1802 split Paris into two camps, with conflicting views of art, politics, religion, ethics, and the place of women in society; the quarrel also reached Britain, Germany, and the Alps. Chapter 7 aims to situate several fine studies of the novel’s politics and reception within the broad continuum of a struggle in the field of power over textual meaning and the future of France, fought between Staël’s liberal camp and the camp of Bonaparte – who exiled her from France to end their argument. During this debate, Staël drafted three things – a new preface for Delphine, reflections on the novel’s moral purpose, and a less controversial ending – then chose not to publish them; so, we are looking in a sense at a revision that never happened. Delphine’s original suicide, deleted in the revised manuscript ending, offers a microcosm of this whole debate and will be our focus.

Wu Yu-Shan, a distinguished Taiwanese political scientist, points out that Western success was based on power, undergirded by technology and organization. In response, Pacific Asia attempted to achieve modernization by four routes. Western liberalism was stillborn in China, as was Meiji-style conservative modernization. Mao’s approach could best be called “confused modernization,” a mix of state socialism and disastrous experiments like the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution. What worked in Korea and Taiwan was authoritarian politics and state capitalism, and with Deng Xiaoping this became China’s path as well.

Discussion of the confrontation between Socrates and Callicles in the Gorgias has mostly focused on its first two phases: Callicles’ statement of his views and Socrates’ attempted refutations (481–500), and Socrates’ subsequent attempt to substitute his own conception of the good life (501–9). Much less attention has been paid to the final phase (509–22). But Plato stages here the most sustained debate in the dialogue between alternative answers – with their consequences – to what has proved to be its central question: is committing injustice or falling victim to it the greatest evil? This chapter examines the key moves in this debate, in which Callicles is again tempted by Socrates to participate, after previously refusing to continue. I argue that Plato’s aim here is to show just why and how Socrates might successfully initiate and sustain intellectual engagement with an intelligent young politician hoping to rise within the Athenian democracy, such as Callicles is portrayed as being. He fails to persuade him. But this is not, as sometimes supposed, a failure of intellectual communication. It is a matter of what Plato wants us to understand as different fundamental commitments.

This chapter has two purposes. First, it outlines the problems of and methods for finding the popular voice in our evidence from Roman antiquity. Utilising James C. Scott’s paradigm of hidden transcripts, this chapter argues that wider perceptions of the Roman emperor can be excavated from a wide-range of different material. Second, the chapter explores the history and historiography of the Roman emperor and how the power of the Roman emperor has been described and understood in antiquity and beyond.