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At its core, constitutional law addresses the uses and abuses of government power. This should include the use and abuses of the government’s expressive powers. This book describes and explores the complexities of the constitutional questions triggered by the government’s speech, and offers a framework for thinking about them. Its objectives also include shining a light on the government’s speech in its many manifestations, with its vast array of audiences, topics, means, motives, and consequences. The more we recognize the volume and variety of the government’s speech in our lives, the more thoughtfully we can puzzle over its constitutional implications. The government’s speech packs great power. Even—and perhaps especially—in times of grave crisis, the government’s speech can be soaring in its inspiration, its humanity, and in its success in achieving essential public purposes. At times, however, the government’s speech instead threatens, bullies, divides, and deceives for self-interested reasons, and sometimes with crushing results. This book identifies some of the motivations for and consequences of those choices, as well as possible means for constructively influencing them.
This chapter begins by outlining some of the principles that guide the work of engaged theory. We then elaborate these principles to show how engaged theory can be understood as a form of critical theory. Engaged theory is critical, but not for criticism’s sake. It is committed to making a positive difference in the world. By mapping the complexity of our world—locally and globally—our approach is intended to contribute to the process of engaging sensitively and practically with that world. By recognizing the messiness of that world while drawing out broad patterns of practice and meaning, it provides a new way of understanding that complexity. The chapter shows how our approach works across different levels of analysis to discern patterns of practice and meaning. It responds to five key questions. First, how should globalization be conceptualized? Second, should globalization be equated with material interconnectivity? Third, what dominant forms has globalization assumed throughout history? Fourth, what is the relationship between globalization and relations of power, domination, and subjection? And fifth, what is the relationship of globalization theory to social practice?
In recent decades, IGOs, NGOs, private firms and even states have begun to regularly package and distribute information on the relative performance of states. From the World Bank's Ease of Doing Business Index to the Financial Action Task Force blacklist, global performance indicators (GPIs) are increasingly deployed to influence governance globally. We argue that GPIs derive influence from their ability to frame issues, extend the authority of the creator, and — most importantly — to invoke recurrent comparison that stimulates governments' concerns for their own and their country's reputation. Their public and ongoing ratings and rankings of states are particularly adept at capturing attention not only at elite policy levels but also among other domestic and transnational actors. GPIs thus raise new questions for research on politics and governance globally. What are the social and political effects of this form of information on discourse, policies and behavior? What types of actors can effectively wield GPIs and on what types of issues? In this symposium introduction, we define GPIs, describe their rise, and theorize and discuss these questions in light of the findings of the symposium contributions.
Rhetorical silences are not created equal. To determine the import of the unsaid, the power differential of gender (as conceptualized by gender theory) is methodologically indispensable. “Masculinity” and “femininity,” concepts related to presumptions of domination and subordination, affect the rhetorical function of the unsaid. Permitted-to-speak bodies are often already empowered; for them, the unsaid denotes and maintains their masculinist power. Subordinate bodies, from whom silence is expected, perform simply another iteration of a regulatory, disciplinary norm that considers them feminine or weak. Nevertheless, the gendering of dominant and subordinate roles does not erase the subversive possibilities of the unsaid. The masculine unsaid may be stripped of its power if an alternative hierarchy is introduced to challenge tacit assumptions of dominance. Meanwhile, the feminine unsaid may become a tool that defies hegemonic power structures by using the unsaid as a tactic for conveying forbidden ideas, stubbornly communicating the unsayable. Categories of the “masculine” unsaid, the subordinate unsaid, and the resistant unsaid offer valuable classifications for developing a comprehensive methodology of the unsaid. Yet these categories are not comprehensive within themselves or neatly discrete from one another. Rather, they are permeable, in constant engagement and renegotiation with one another.
Chapter I discusses the relationship between international organisations and their member States and how both entities operate as international legal subjects. Looking underneath the veil of the legal personality of international organisations, it demonstrates that member States remain powerful actors in their own right, which has obvious implications for the application of international responsibility rules. With a focus on international financial institutions, the chapter begins by analysing the impact of State adhesion to international organisations, first from a domestic law perspective, and then from the viewpoint of international law, to highlight the notion that member States are continuously engaged in the exercise of the powers that they transferred to international organisations. Subsequently, and in order to clarify the borderline between both legal subjects, the chapter concentrates on the international legal personality of international organisations and how their legal distinctness comes about. It does so by exploring the concept of institutional autonomy. Against this backdrop, the chapter finalizes by shedding light into the elements that define member State conduct as subjects of international law. As the chapter concludes, such visibility is linked to the governance role of member States as ‘authority managers’ in international organisations.
This concluding chapter ponders the non-conventional form of power that international standards reflect in the rising importance of services for contemporary capitalism. It discusses the three core arguments made in the book on the power of ambiguity, the ambiguity of standards and the rise of services, with distinct reference to the contrasted cases studied. It then draws broader implications of conceiving the power of service standards as a transnational hybrid authority defined by its constitutive ambiguity, rather than by sectorial or institutional specificities.
This chapter engages with theories of global governance and private regulation to explain how and why standards support what I call a transnational hybrid authority. It shows that the notion of hybrid is mostly used as a default attribute to accommodate multiple and contradictory policies of global governance. Supplementing international political economy literature with semiotics, science and technology studies, and post-colonial studies, I argue that the concept of hybrid allows for seeing such ambiguity as an ontological attribute transforming the relationship between transnational capitalism and territorial sovereignty. Ambiguity thus imbues not only the status of the actors involved in standardisation and regulation but also the scope of the issues on which they operate and the spaces on which they exert their authority. The chapter outlines the analytical framework of the book including the three dimensions of actors setting standards, the scope of the standards and space on which such authority is recognised.
Energy and its management through policy touches on some core anthropological topics such as power, value and identity. Innovative anthropological approaches are being used to reveal the interplay between energy and societies. These include ethnographies of communities and their relationship to energy resources, analysis of the material culture of homes, as well as new areas of research into digital systems. This chapter outlines the questions that energy policy raises for anthropologists as well as current approaches being used to investigate them.
The Canterbury Hinterland Project (CHP) has combined aerial photographic and LiDAR analysis, synthesis of HER and other data across east Kent with targeted survey south and east of Canterbury. We present possible hillforts, temples, large enclosures, a major trackway, linking paths, burials and high-status Roman-period complexes and argue that people organised the landscape to communicate meaning in two main ways: a ‘public’ face oriented towards the Dover–Canterbury road and expressions of ritual and remembrance for local groups. The character of this rural population has traditionally been understood in terms of its relationship to the civitas capital and villas; we look beyond this to examine a more detailed vision of possible social interactions.
Political science does not offer a distinct subdiscipline to address the subject of energy. Insofar as political science has addressed energy, it has focused on issues often neglected by other disciplines, notably the role of geopolitics and international relations, and the domestic politics of resource-rich states. Apart from the different subfields, we examine different approaches including realism, constructivism, liberalism and Marxism. The rise and fall and rise again of academic articles on energy in leading political science journals is reviewed and linked to exogenous forces such as the price of oil. Two distinct energy topics which have received attention are nuclear power and the oil crises of 1973–79 because of their wider geopolitical ramifications. Perhaps the most prominent or consistent thread through studies of the politics of energy is the question of energy security or energy independence. Finally, in recent years, energy has increasingly emerged as a focus for study in environmental politics and climate change politics in particular.
This article provides the first comparative reading of the minutes of the General Assemblies of three iconic Occupy camps: Wall Street, Oakland and London. It challenges detractors who have labelled the Occupy Wall Street movement a flash-in-the-pan protest, and participant-advocates who characterised the movement anti-constitutional. Developing new research into anarchist constitutional theory, we construct a typology of anarchist constitutionalising to argue that the camps prefigured a constitutional order for a post-sovereign anarchist politics. We show that the constitutional politics of three key Occupy Wall Street camps had four main aspects: (i) declarative principles, preambles and documents; (ii) complex institutionalisation; (iii) varied democratic decision-making procedures; and (iv) explicit and implicit rule-making processes, premised on unique foundational norms. Each of these four was designed primarily to challenge and constrain different forms of global and local power, but they also provide a template for anarchistic constitutional forms that can be mimicked and linked up, as opposed to scaled up.
This study examined the intermediate role job satisfaction and organizational commitment play between leaders' perceived use of power and followers' performance. Based on a sample of 365 cadets at the U.S. Air Force Academy, this study found followers' job satisfaction and commitment mediated the positive relationships between their leaders' use of expert, referent, and reward power and the followers' organizational citizenship behavior. Further, while the use of legitimate or coercive power were both related negatively to followers' in-role job performance, these relationships were not mediated by the followers' job satisfaction or organizational commitment. This study then discusses the practical implications of these findings, highlights its theoretical contributions toward understanding power's direct and indirect relationships with performance in the leadership dynamic, and recommends future research avenues to leverage and build upon these findings.
This article looks at the characteristic shirts of the donso, or initiated Mande hunters. Often described in the literature as visual displays of the wearer’s power, in the context of contemporary Burkina Faso these shirts are instead an example of how hunters deal with representations of power through an aesthetics of concealment (Ferme 2001). An excess of display is conversely connected with the politics of state-recognized hunters’ associations. Issues of ecological change, local conceptions of power, and contemporary struggles with state authority intersect in the practices and discourses on hunters’ shirts.
The focus of statistical testing on significance can lead to the two types of error discussed in this chapter: finding a significant result when there is no underlying real effect; failing to get significance when there is in fact an underlying real effect. Though a blinkered approach to significance can be problematic for good data analysis, consideration of the two types of error is useful first to help think about sample sizes in studies but, second, it is a good way to assess the quality and robustness of statistical tests.
Likert items and questionnaires are widely used in HCI, particularly to measure user experience. However, there is some confusion over which is the right test to use to analyse data arising from these instruments. Furthermore, this book has proposed several more modern alternatives to traditional statistical tests but there is little evidence if they are better in the context of this particular sort of data. This chapter therefore reports on several simulation studies to compare the variety of tests that can be used to analyse Likert item and questionnaire data. The results suggest that this sort of data best reveals dominance effects and therefore that tests of dominance are the most suitable, and most robust, tests to use.
This article puts Michel Foucault's conception of power into critical engagement with that of Bonaventure. For Foucault power is manifested in wills to knowledge or meaning-making in a senseless universe in order to legitimate the drama of dominations. Bonaventure, however, roots his notion of power in the essence of God, so that any act of power from God cannot be classified as domination, but rather donation – a free-willed gift. This is especially evident in Bonaventure's theology of creation and sacrament. As such, Bonaventure provides a way to deal with Foucault's critique theologically without dispensing with it altogether.