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Apprenticeship in the German lands (Germany, Austria, Switzerland) was firmly attached to urban corporate structures, i.e. guilds. From the fourteenth to the nineteenth century it was regulated by craft rules. In many ways apprenticeship in Germany resembled that of other nations, but three features stand out. There were more exclusionary rules, affecting women, religious minorities and people with ‘irregular’ backgrounds. German apprentices were required to travel to other places after their initial training; hence we see a lot of migration in the world of the artisans. And finally, completion rates for apprenticeship were remarkably high in Germany. If and how these three features were connected is as yet unclear.
The concept of constitutional identity (Verfassungsidentität) has been unfolded by the German Federal Constitutional Court (GFCC) to frame and control the process of European integration. Jurisprudence ranging from the renowned Solange to the famous Lissabon judgments has never been undisputed. Although not found in the wording of the German Basic Law, constitutional identity is nowadays mainly associated with the Basic Law’s Art. 79(3). Accordingly, the notion primarily comprises the protection of human dignity, the principle of democracy, the social state objective, and the rule of law. The GFCC exercises its control by a fundamental rights review, the ultra vires review, and the constitutional identity review. All three types lately seem to have been merged under the umbrella of constitutional identity review. Meanwhile, the concept of Integrationsverantwortung‘ (responsibility for integration) requires all German constitutional bodies to respect the European integration agenda and to protect German constitutional identity. Arts. 4(2) and (3) TEU underpin the necessity of close and constructive judicial dialogue between the ECJ and the national constitutional courts.
The first chapter, following the path of Arendt’s work throughout her life, shows how her questions arose from her own experiences, and how her thinking responded to events that eluded or exceeded traditional forms of thought. It argues that the question of the political was an implicit but central concern in all of her writing. Totalitarianism was essentially an anti-political form of government, in her view, which had to be opposed in part through an affirmation of political life. But such an affirmation was difficult, Arendt thought, because Western philosophy had never had a pure concept of the political. So an overarching aim of her thought was to work out a new approach to political theory, an approach that would let her see politics “with eyes unclouded by philosophy.”
A decade ago, archaeologists discovered the site of a Bronze Age battlefield in the Tollense Valley in north-eastern Germany. Dated to the early thirteenth century BC, the remains of over 140 individuals have been documented, along with many associated bronze objects. Here, the authors present a new assemblage of 31 objects from the site, including three bronze cylinders that may be the fastenings of an organic container. The objects are similar to those found in Bronze Age burials of southern Central Europe, and may represent the personal equipment of a warrior from that region who died on the battlefield in Northern Europe.
This study addresses the question of why so many of the world's legislators are lawyers or law graduates. Drawing from previous studies on lawyer-legislators and electoral systems, it develops the argument that ‘first-pass-the-post’ single-member district electoral systems presume a principal-agent logic of representation and are therefore conducive to political parties selecting representatives with either occupational experience or educational training in the field of law. By contrast, proportional representation (PR) elections presume a microcosm model of representation incentivizing parties to select candidates representing diverse demographic and occupational backgrounds. This conjecture is tested by examining legislator backgrounds in three large parliaments with mixed electoral systems: Germany, Japan, and South Korea. As expected, single-member plurality elections are linked to a greater share of lawyers and law graduates in parliaments compared to those elected via PR even after controlling for several alternative explanations.
In light of the increasing prevalence of juvenile obesity seen around the world, obesogenic environments in general and the food environment in particular are receiving increasing attention in current public health research. Restaurants play a significant role in the food environment. The present study aimed to quantitatively describe and qualitatively evaluate the range of children’s meals available in full-service restaurants in Germany.
Five hundred restaurants were identified using a systematic quota sampling technique. The individual meals were evaluated using quality standards stipulated by the German Nutrition Society (DGE).
Nationwide sample of menus from full-service restaurants.
Meals (n 1877) from 500 menus were analysed.
Menus included 3·76 (sd 1·31) meals for children. About 70 % of the meals were limited to six typical dishes of low nutritional quality. In total, 54 % of meals included French fries or another form of fried potatoes. Of all meals, 23 % did not fulfil any of the eleven quality criteria set by the DGE and 38 % satisfied only one criterion. The majority of dishes on offer featured high energy density while simultaneously having low nutrient density. Healthy dishes were not highlighted visually in any menu.
The range of dishes on offer for children in German restaurants is severely lacking in variety and in need of improvement from a nutritional point of view. Considering the growing importance of restaurants as food environments, there is a need to improve the presentation of menus and the meals offered.
The literary critic Cornelia Pearsall reveals Plath’s life-long preoccupation with war, showing us how it permeates Plath’ss correspondence and filters into her poetry and prose, gaining in focus and momentum towards the end of her writing life. Pearsall establishes yet another crucial angle through which we can read Plath’s deliberately outward looking political and historical engagement, as opposed to any narrow view of merely personal and biographical concerns.
Building on the framework developed in Chapter 2, this chapter looks specifically at the factors shaping the persuasive impact of conflict warnings articulated from within selected Western states and IOs, as opposed to warnings from outside sources such as NGOs or news media discussed in Chapters 4 and 5. The chapter is based on a ‘best-case design’ by focusing on six actors – three states and three IOs – all of which have made a clear and strong commitment to conflict prevention and preventive action by policy or mandate. These are the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany and the UN, the EU and the OSCE. We identify the most important factors or combination of factors, but also investigate differences between the six foreign policy systems as well as between types of actors, especially, states and international organisations. We found that their relationships and roles are often more fluid than that and both are affected by broader factors such as pre-existent policies, shared diagnostic beliefs or organisational cultures.
As in other countries, textile and apparel production in Germany is considered a victim of globalization. Domestic production and employment declined dramatically after its postwar peak in the late 1950s. Research has often attributed this trajectory to the trade liberalization policy of the German governments. However, this interpretation is puzzling. German trade policy was not as liberal as is claimed, nor did the industry disappear. This article addresses the issue using statistical evidence as well as archival material. The West German textile and apparel industry was using outward processing strategies comparatively early and was supported in that by German politicians starting in the early 1960s. As a result, the industry moved up the global value chain of textile production.
Following retirement, older immigrants increasingly tend to engage in circular migration. This back-and-forth movement introduces a variety of challenges affecting the nature of grandparenthood as well as grandparental involvement in the upbringing of grandchildren. For circular migrant grandparents, maintaining intergenerational relationships requires them to overcome not only geographic distances, but also linguistic and cultural differences. In families with circular migrant grandparents, intergenerational conflict often springs from disparate generational exposure to acculturation processes, producing divergent aspirations within the first and second generations regarding the upbringing of the third generation. This study explores how first-generation Turkish circular migrant grandparents attempt to raise grandchildren who reside in Germany by implementing ‘cultural and instrumental transfers’. This study undertakes a qualitative approach: semi-structured interviews with a purposive sample of first-generation Turkish circular migrant grandparents (N = 40). The analysis finds that child-care assistance is characterised by intergenerational conflict – rather than solidarity or altruistic support – between the first and second generations. Moreover, through transnational arranged marriages, as a cultural transfer, and inter vivos gifts, as an instrumental transfer, grandparents encourage their grandchildren to return to Turkey permanently.
This chapter deals with the unsaid as a discursive strategy in antipolitical correctness discourse, where the unsaid is framed as something that can be said and needs to be said but is prevented from being said through silencing and taboos. Antipolitical correctness discourse is described as a language ideological debate. This metadiscursive debate involves notions of language taboos, denial of voice and representation, accessibility, and limitations of public discourse. It thereby negotiates issues not so much of language use, but of national identity, democratic representation, and purported cultural hegemony with the aim of changing public discourse. The strategy of claiming to be silenced to increase the acceptability of contested propositions rests on the extent to which silence is at odds with public discourse in modern mass democracies. Its functions will be exemplified using the example of the antipolitical correctness discourse perpetuated by Germany’s New Right. The chapter also aims to show how analyzing metadiscourse can on the one hand be a fruitful way for empirical textual analysis of the unsaid and on the other hand also provides scope for studying the language ideology of silence.