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The edge surface warping defect seriously affect the surface quality of strips. In this paper, a technology for diagnosis of warping defects in hot-rolled strip based on data-driven methods is studied. Based on the mechanism analysis of the warping defects, the process parameters affecting the warping defects were sorted out and used as the original input parameters of the defect diagnosis model. Firstly, a diagnostic model that combines the deep belief network and contribution plots of each dimensionality reduction layer is proposed. The deep belief network that integrates each dimensionality reduction layer can predict product defects more accurately and stably than the traditional deep belief network. Meanwhile, on the basis of the pre-judgment model, the method of contribution plot is further introduced to trace the defects, and the comprehensive diagnosis function of model pre-judgment and traceability is realized. Finally, collected the production data from a hot rolling production line for a period of time. Tested the model and predicted a hit rate of 85%. The main influencing factors of edge surface warping defects were determined that the rate of defect decrease with the increase of furnace temperature. When the heating temperature of the second stage of the heating furnace is higher than 1160°C, the incidence of defects is significantly reduced. Defect rate is relatively low within 240min of total furnace time. With the first and third pass phosphorus removal equipment turned on, the incidence of defects was relatively low.
To examine the association between physician–patient treatments shared decision making (SDM), patient satisfaction, and adoption of a new health technology.
A cross-sectional study was conducted from July 2016 to October 2016 in Fujian Province and Shanghai, in Eastern China. A total of 542 physicians and 619 patients in eleven hospitals were surveyed. Patients and their treating physicians completed self-reported questionnaires on patient–physician SDM, satisfaction with treatment decision making and adoption of a new health technology. Correlation analysis, multivariate logistic regression and multivariate linear regression were performed.
The majority (68.20 percent) of patients preferred SDM. Involvement of patients in SDM was positively associated with their satisfaction with treatment decision making (p < .001) and adoption of a new health technology (p < .05). Better concordance between their preference and actual SDM was positively associated with patients' adoption behavior (p < .05), but no statistically significant association was found between concordance and satisfaction.
SDM was the most important predictor of patients' satisfaction with decision making and adoption of a new health technology. Therefore, better communication between physicians and patients is recommended to improve their SDM, increase patient satisfaction and to assist with the adoption of new technologies. Training healthcare provider and teaching communication skills in working with patients in the initial stage of technology diffusion is required.
Why have some minority regions experienced more unrest than others and in more volatile ways in China’s reform era? Why have ethnic mobilization and violence occurred only in the two outer peripheral regions, Tibet and Xinjiang? This study examines these puzzles from the perspective of China’s twofold transition from empire to a modern nation state. That is, the integration of frontier regions into a nation state with predominantly ethnic Han Chinese. The first transition was from empire to the autonomous system in the socialist era. The second transition was from the socialist era (1949–78) to the reform era (1978–present).
This chapter continues with the argument that the built-in tensions of the autonomous system, or centralization and ethnicization, have intensified in the reform era, fueling key sources of ethnic strife in the TAR and Xinjiang. The driving force has been the state’s developmentalism as strategies of development and integration. Here centralization is manifested in top-down developmental models, either state economy or market expansion, while ethnicization is manifested in more state aid and preferential economic policies as well as their ethnicizing consequences. In the TAR’s case, state subsidies have sustained an “affirmative action” economy, resulting in dependency and questionable viability. In Xinjiang’s case, the undoing of the socialist economy has left behind ethnic members whose ascriptive endowments disadvantage them in the marketplace, resulting in ethnically based grievances. In both cases, developmentalism has pitted local minorities against inland migrants, fueling ethnic conflict. As remedies, the state resorts to aid programs, thus intensifying central drives as well as ethnic prerogatives.
This chapter focuses on education and language policies as sources of ethnic conflict in the reform era, focusing on Xinjiang where the problem has been most salient. Those sources of ethnic woes stem again from intensified tensions of the autonomous system, or the paradox of centralization and ethnicization. The driving force here is the state’s developmentalism in minority education: centralization inheres in the state’s expansion of higher education on the one hand and of bilingual education on the other, while ethnicization is manifest in the state’s intensified preferential policies to promote those goals. Expansion of higher and bilingual education for minorities aims at economic development and political integration. However, aided by preferential policies, this expansion has come up against the realities of the new market economy, which favors competitive skills and disadvantages minority students. Both processes – preferential policies for minority access to higher education but disadvantages for minority graduates in the market place – enhance ethnicization at the expense of integration.
This chapter focuses on the changing strategies of ethnic governance in China’s transition from empire to the modern nation state. That is, evolution from a maintenance-oriented strategy to a transformative strategy aimed at national integration in the socialist era. Pre-modern Chinese dynasties applied diverse and indirect rule over their extensive frontier regions. This “minimalist state” came under serious challenges in modern times when the idea of the nation state arrived. After late Qing and Republican failures at modern state building, the CCP completed the transition to a modern state by establishing a uniform and direct form of ethnic governance based in titular ethnic status. Known as the system of autonomous regions, the new system served to incorporate frontier regions but departed from pre-modern practices of diverse and de-ethnicized rule. The contradictions therein – promoting political integration but also ethno-territories to fit that goal – or centralization and ethnicization, created a second set of institutional dynamics for ethnic strife in contemporary times.
China’s transition to the nation state, on a deep level, is incomplete. Tibet and Xinjiang remain the peripheral holdouts. At the policy level, the demise of class universalism deprives the central state of the institutional principles of legitimate government to project universal legitimacy in the two historically least incorporated regions. At the institutional level, the autonomous system has nurtured key conditions for ethnic mobilization for these two groups: politicized identities and ethno-territories. Among the contextual factors responsible the Soviet dissolution – core ethnic regions, weakening of previous social contracts, and democratization – only the Tibetans and Uighurs possess core ethnic regions and were particularly disadvantaged by economic liberalization due to their distinct ascriptive features. The absence of democratization, along with China’s demographic/territorial core, precludes a breakaway by these two groups, but large state outlays suggest continuing challenges for national integration. Despite various reform platforms, socialist autonomy – compromising autonomy but distributional benefits – remains the prevailing vision under the current political leadership. In the international arena, ethnic strife places constraints on China’s security and foreign policy behavior as well as on its international reactions.
This chapter argues that the institutional dynamics of the autonomous system – centralization and ethnicization – have intensified in the reform era, fueling key sources of ethnic tensions in contemporary China. The driving force has been the decline of class universalism and the rise of identity politics. The chapter shows how these two developments were spurred by early post-Mao policies to redress the leftist excesses of the Mao era, including the “declassing” of minority policy, rehabilitation of former ethnic elites, exit of Han personnel, revival of religion, and accommodation of ethnic customs in law enforcement. These policies have affected the TAR and Xinjiang in particular because of the central government’s greater urgency and efforts to implement them in the two politically sensitive and centrifugal regions. Yet the very end of class universalism and the advent of identity politics have also made it harder for the central state to achieve its goal of better integration. Whereas class universalism was divisive intraethnically, pitting ethnic masses against small groups of ethnic aristocrats, identity politics is divisive interethnically, creating cleavages along ethnic lines.
This chapter continues with the argument that the built-in tensions of the autonomous system, namely centralization and ethnicization, have intensified in the reform era. The focus of this chapter is religious revival in Tibet and Xinjiang. Religion has been a volatile problem in the state’s relationship with the two outer peripheral regions, thanks to its crucial linkage to ethnic and cultural identity. This identity, in turn, can be linked to ethno-nationalism and even separatism. Heightened institutional tensions for ethnic strife have stemmed, on the one hand, from state sponsorship of religious revival, and on the other hand, from state curtailment of its unsanctioned growth. The alternatively facilitating and constraining roles of the state have intensified centralization as well as ethnicization in the religious development of Tibet and Xinjiang, or cycles of state facilitation/control of religion and ethnic backlash. Foremost among this backlash has been increased radicalization, from private madrassas, Wahhabism, “Arabianization,” and “terrorism” in the Uighur case, to self-immolation in the Tibetan case. These have in turn induced state crackdowns, including deradicalization camps.
This chapter focuses on the transformation of approaches to ethnicity in China’s transition from empire to nation state. That is, how and why these approaches evolved from a maintenance-oriented strategy aimed at pacification and stability in pre-modern times to a transformative strategy aimed at classifying and engineering identities in the socialist era. Historically Confucian universalism provided a neutral and inclusive approach to ethnicity, but it could not accommodate the idea of the nation in modern times. After late Qing and Republican failures at nation building, the CCP accomplished this task through a mix of class universalism and state classification of identities. The new approach served to incorporate minority members as equal citizens in the new modern state by politicizing previously localized identities at the national level. The contradictions therein – promoting political incorporation but also ethnic identities to fit that goal – or centralization and ethnicization, created the first set of institutional dynamics for ethnic strife in contemporary times.
This chapter focuses on the transformation of policy instruments for co-opting minority groups: how and why Chinese approaches evolved from a maintenance-oriented approach in pre-modern times to transformative strategies aimed at egalitarianism in the socialist era. In pre-modern times, hegemonic strategies were used to induce frontier pacification and cooperation, with emphasis on elite co-optation and outer peripheral regions. This approach was practical for the minimalist imperial state with limited infrastructural and resource capacity. In modern times, the Republican regimes attempted nation building by mixing elite appeasement and mass assimilation, to little avail. The CCP turned upside down pre-modern methods by repudiating traditional ethnic elites and penetrating ethnic regions with preferential egalitarian strategies. The new approach promoted political incorporation but also ethnicized policies to fit that goal. The contradictions therein – centralization but ethnicization – created a third set of institutional sources of ethnic tensions in contemporary times.
This chapter continues with the argument that the built-in tensions of the autonomous system – at once centralization and ethnicization – have intensified in the reform era, fueling ethnic strife in contemporary China. The focus of the chapter is the system of ethnic autonomy. On the one hand, the demise of class universalism and the rise of identity politics have made political centralization less justifiable but also more imperative, thanks to the centrifugal tendencies of identity politics, which are now unconstrained by class universalism. On the other hand, the demise of class universalism and the advent of identity politics have made autonomy rights more imperative but also more polarizing, as they are now instrumental to interethnic competition in a new market economy. These new institutional dynamics are illustrated with three contending perspectives from within China: the liberal autonomists, integrationists, and socialist autonomists. From different angles, the three schools help to highlight the institutional sources that contribute to increased ethnic tensions in Tibet and Xinjiang in the reform era.
To detect low concentrations of formaldehyde selectively, the sensing properties of SnO2 nanostructured are enhanced by modifying with p-type semiconductor NiO. In this study, a nanostructured SnO2/NiO composite was prepared by a simple hydrothermal method. The X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS) peak in 532.4 eV proved that the existence of the SnO2/NiO composite structure increased the amount of adsorbed oxygen O− and O2− significantly. Gas-sensing tests showed that these mixed phases SnO2/NiO are highly promising for gas sensor applications, as the gas response for formaldehyde was significantly enhanced in gas response, selectivity at an operating temperature of 230 °C. The sensor fabricated by SnO2/NiO composite can detect as low as 1 ppm of formaldehyde at 230 °C, and the corresponding response is 1.57. The results of physicochemical properties tests of the samples show that the enhancement in sensitivity and selectivity is attributed to the oxygen vacancies and heterojunction between SnO2 and NiO. The SnO2/NiO composites can be applied to sensitive materials of formaldehyde sensors.
Many scholars perceive ethnic politics in China as an untouchable topic due to lack of data and contentious, even prohibitive, politics. This book fills a gap in the literature, offering a historical-political perspective on China's contemporary ethnic conflict. Yan Sun accumulates research via field trips, local reports, and policy debates to reveal rare knowledge and findings. Her long-time causal chain of explanation reveals the roots of China's contemporary ethnic strife in the centralizing and ethnicizing strategies of its incomplete transition to a nation state—strategies that depart sharply from its historical patterns of diverse and indirect rule. This departure created the institutional dynamics for politicized identities and ethnic mobilization, particularly in the outer regions of Tibet and Xinjiang. In the 21st century, such factors as the demise of socialist tenets and institutions that upheld interethnic solidarity, and the rise of identity politics and developmentalism, have intensified these built-in tensions.