To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure email@example.com
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
There is cumulative evidence of the importance of exploring the change of dynamics between symptoms over time as reflective of consolidation of psychopathology.
To explore the interactions between symptoms of ICD-11 adjustment disorder before and after the second lockdown of the COVID-19 pandemic in Israel and identify the most central symptoms and their concurrent and prospective associations with probable adjustment disorder.
This is a population-based study drawn from a probability-based internet panel. A representative sample of the adult Israeli population was assessed at two time points (T1, pre-second lockdown, n = 1029, response rate 76.17%; T2, post-second lockdown, n = 764, response rate 74.24%). Symptoms of adjustment disorder were assessed by the International Adjustment Disorder Questionnaire (IADQ).
Although the overall strength of associations at the two measurement points was similar and two same communities were found, there was a significant change in their structure, with a more consolidated network at T2. The most central item was ‘difficult to relax’ in both networks. Cross-sectionally, all symptoms of failure to adapt significantly predicted adjustment disorder. ‘Worry a lot more’ (preoccupation) and ‘difficult to adapt to life’ (failure to adapt) at T1 significantly predicted this diagnosis at T2.
Adjustment disorder symptoms consolidated during the second lockdown of the pandemic. In line with the ICD-11 conceptualisation of adjustment disorder, both preoccupation and failure-to-adapt symptoms have prognostic validity. This highlights the importance of identifying and targeting adjustment disorder symptoms during a period of stress such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
With the outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) pandemic, the aging population has been shown to be highly vulnerable. As a result, policy makers and the media urged older adults to restrict social interactions, placing them at greater risk of mental health problems, such as depression. However, there has been a little previous attempt to examine coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) vaccine-related risk factors and depressive symptoms amongst older adults.
Participants (938 older adults, Mage = 68.99, s.d. = 3.41, range 65–85) answered an online questionnaire at the start of the COVID-19 vaccination program in Israel. Participants completed measures of background characteristics, world assumptions, COVID-19 vaccine-related variables, and symptoms of depression.
Univariate logistic regression revealed that more negative world assumptions were linked with clinical depression levels.
Older adults in our sample were susceptible to unique factors associated with clinical depression influenced by their world assumptions during their COVID-19 vaccination. The high level of depression following vaccination indicates that it may take time to recover from depression associated with pandemic distress. Cognitive interventions that focus on world assumptions are recommended.
To assess the prevalence of elevated risk of serious mental illness and probable ICD-11 adjustment disorder in the UK population at two time points during COVID-19, and their association with COVID-19-related stressful events.
To check the dose–response model for stress between the number of COVID-19-related stressful events and mental health indices.
We conducted two cross-sectional studies, using internet survey samples across the UK (N = 1293 for study 1; N = 1073 for study 2). Samples used internet panel surveys during March–April 2020 and 3 months later (June 2020), and used random stratified samples. Studies assessed prevalence of serious risk of mental illness and probable ICD-11 adjustment disorder.
Elevated risk of serious mental illness was found among those with COVID-19-related social life or occupationally stressful events (study 1). Elevated risk of serious mental illness and probable ICD-11 adjustment disorder was evident among those reporting COVID-19-related stressful events (personal health problems and caregiving; study 2). Cumulative COVID-19-related stressful events were associated with elevated risk of serious mental illness in study 1 (odds ratio 1.65; 95% CI 1.03–2.64; P = 0.037), and with both elevated risk of serious mental illness (odds ratio 2.19; 95% CI 1.15–4.15; P = 0.017) and probable ICD-11 adjustment disorder (odds ratio 2.45; 95% CI 1.27–4.72; P = 0.007) in study 2.
Psychiatrists should be aware that COVID-19-related stressful events can lead to serious psychological problems. Mental health professionals need to pay particular attention to patients who report cumulative COVID-19-related stressful events, and consider them for mental health assessment and treatment.
The Great East Japan Earthquake of 11 March 2011 led to the relocation of 300 000 survivors. Studies following disasters focus primarily on data collected in the immediate aftermath and neglect the influence of wider community factors.
A three-level prospective study examining associations between survivors' psychological distress and individual- and social-level factors in the 6 years following a complex disaster.
We drew on two multi-wave data collections in the 6 years after the earthquake, using residents from different forms of housing. Sample 1 included six waves of private-housing residents from 2011 to 2016 (n = 1084 per wave), sample 2 five waves of residents living in prefabricated housing from 2012 to 2016 (n = 1515 per wave). We analysed prospective associations between distress and time (level 1), pre-existing disorders and disaster experiences and behaviours (level 2) and city-wide measures of support and physical activity (level 3).
Multilevel models with random coefficients demonstrated greater distress in earlier waves (samples 1 and 2 respectively, adjusted β = −15 and β = −0.16, P < 0.001), among female respondents (β = 0.58, P = 0.01 and β = 1.74, P = 0.001), in those with a previous psychiatric history (β = 2.76, β = 2.06, P < 0.001) with diminished levels of activity post-earthquake (β = 1.40, β = 1.51, P < 0.001) and those lacking in social support (β = 1.95, β = 1.51, P < 0.001). Support from spouses and friends was most protective of psychological health. City-level support was negatively associated with distress, but only among those in prefabricated housing.
Psychological distress diminished with time, but varied across gender, psychiatric history, housing, levels of activity and availability of social support. Practitioners should consider individual- and city-level factors when devising effective interventions.
The 2011 Great Japan tsunami and nuclear leaks displaced 300 000 people, but there are no large studies of psychological distress suffered by these refugees.
To provide a first assessment of major factors associated with distress and dysfunctional behaviour following the disasters.
All refugee families living in Miyagi were sent a questionnaire 10–12 months after the disasters. 21 981 participants (73%) returned questionnaires. Questions assessed psychological distress (Kessler Psychological Distress Scale, K6), dysfunctional behaviours, demographics, event exposure, change in physical activity, household visitors and emotional support.
Nine percent scored 13+ on the K6 indicating risk of severe mental illness. Psychological distress was greater among Fukushima refugees. Demographic variables, family loss, illness history and change in physical activity were associated with psychological distress and dysfunctional behaviours. Associations between psychological distress and dysfunction and visitors/supporters depended on relation to supporter.
Practitioners need to recognise existing disease burden, community histories and family roles when intervening following disasters.
Writing more than 50 years ago, Murdock (1949) claimed that the nuclear family represents a basic unit of society across the world, with no society having yet found a suitable substitute for this form. Certainly, family and marriage have been central to the lives of individuals for centuries in most populations (Thornton & Young-Demarco, 2001). Also clear is that there is considerable emotional and political significance to the concept of the family. Indeed, the family is not only a core component of traditional and collectively oriented societies, but is also a key topic for debate in most world societies (Inglehart & Baker, 2000).
The association between the family and broader State affairs was recognised by the Greek philosopher Aristotle. He saw the family unit not only as a self-sustaining social organisation, but also as the basis of the village and the State. For thousands of years, marriage has been functional, serving myriad political, social, and economic functions (Coontz, 2004). This means that individual needs and desires were subservient to wider societal goals and the desires of the broader family members (ibid.). For the rich, marriage was a way of keeping and consolidating wealth. For the poor, marriage provided a means of acquiring new resources and skills. As I noted in Chapter 3, love was generally seen as a rather poor reason for partner choice. Instead, marriage was most often for economic and political reasons (Hird & Abshoff, 2000).
A Russian saying that gained particular vogue after the massive decline in the male population following World War II proposes that to be an eligible partner, “A man only has to be slightly more beautiful than a monkey.” This saying, of course, reflected the real issue of restricted partner opportunities following a conflict in which more than twenty million Soviet men died. Such a “direct” impact on the formation of close relationships may seem extreme, but, as we will see, a range of factors external to an individual may have an important impact on their relationship formation. In addition, one of the defining aspects of debates around modern society concerns the extent to which individuals are able successfully to form and maintain intimate relationships with others when faced with other, competing desires and priorities. In this chapter, I discuss the way in which both direct and indirect factors may influence the achievement of intimacy in contemporary societies.
THE FORMATION OF INTIMACY IN A MODERN WORLD
Romantic love is likely to exist across all cultures (Goodwin, 1999). However, some have argued that the role of passion in marriage is both culture- and period-dependent, with many of these changes reflecting the modernisation and industrialisation processes described in the previous chapter (Giddens, 1992; Shumway, 2003). Discussions of love and romance are seen here as portraying patterns that have evolved over several centuries and reflect developing economic trends within particular societies.
In a fast-changing world, what impact does social change have on our everyday relationships? How do modernisation processes influence our broader values, and how might these then affect our desires to marry, have a family and develop our social networks? And how do sudden events in a society - invasions, civil conflict, terrorist attacks, collapse of a political system - influence our relationship decisions and processes. In this book Goodwin critically reviews the literature on modernisation and contemporary relationships, challenging simplistic conclusions about the 'end of intimacy' and the inevitable decline of personal commitment. Reviewing work from across the globe, he also contends that adaptation to rapid change is moderated by individual, social class and cultural variations, with consequently differing impacts on everyday relations. In doing so he brings together contemporary debates in psychology, sociology and the political sciences on coping with social change and its impact on personal relations.
Whilst it may be relatively easy to see the impact of dramatic social changes on regulations about contact between the sexes or on divorce, less immediately obvious are the impacts of these changes on friendships and social networks. Yet the manner in which social solidarities have emerged in response to the pressures of “modern life,” as well as the apparent decline of social relationships in an era of individualism, have also been the subject of speculation by many social scientists – even when there have been few data to support their views. Consequently, we find ourselves faced with the familiar debate between those who argue that the modern world pulls apart loyalties and intimacies and those who posit that it is the very challenges of a harsh and unforgiving outside world that reinforces those loyalties.
PATTERNS OF FRIENDSHIP OVER TIME
“Friendship” is a difficult word to define and is likely to cover a whole range of informal relationships. In addition, the meaning of friendship has changed over time (Adams, 2004; Pahl, 2000). Pahl (2000) has traced the development of friendship since antiquity. The Aristotelian notion of friendship, which divided friendships of pleasure and utility from the more “whole-person” friendship of virtue, was primarily framed in terms of male friendship. Pahl notes that despite claims that modernity has destroyed old patterns of virtuous friendships, writings dating back at least eight centuries have demonstrated the instrumental notion of friendship and, in particular, the utility of friends for finding work and performing other practical tasks.
This book attempts to deal with one big question: What happens to people's everyday relationships when there are significant changes in their society? These changes can be dramatic, such as a war or an invasion or the sudden collapse of a political social system, as in Eastern Europe in the late 1980s. These changes can also be the result of the fears that accompany new terrorism threats or the anxieties that can follow a planned handover of a people's authority to a new governmental system (as in the transitions of Macao and Hong Kong to the Chinese mainland in the late 1990s). Changes can also be more subtle, but no less significant, such as when significant populations are on the move. Such a movement may impact significantly on both the migrating groups and their new host societies.
According to Lauer, “Social change is normal and continual, but in various directions, at various rates, and at multiple levels of social life” (Lauer, 1977, p. 6), and some argue that change may be one of the most constant parts of our environment (Segall et al., 1990). Yet, while every society is undoubtedly in some state of flux all the time, most of these changes are relatively small and gradual: There are no wars at home, little dramatic shift in political systems, and only small changes in migration patterns.