Most oviposition by Helicoverpa zea (Boddie) occurs near the top of the canopy in soybean, Glycine max (L.) Merr, and larval abundance is influenced by the growth habit of plants. However, the vertical distribution of larvae within the canopy is not as well known. We evaluated the vertical distribution of H. zea larvae in determinate and indeterminate varieties, hypothesizing that larval distribution in the canopy would vary between these two growth habits and over time. We tested this hypothesis in a naturally infested replicated field experiment and two experimentally manipulated cage experiments. In the field experiment, flowering time was synchronized between the varieties by manipulating planting date, while infestation timing was manipulated in the cage experiments. Larvae were recovered using destructive sampling of individual soybean plants, and their vertical distribution by instar was recorded from three sampling points over time in each experiment. While larval population growth and development varied between the determinate and indeterminate varieties within and among experiments, we found little evidence that larvae have preference for different vertical locations in the canopy. This study lends support to the hypothesis that larval movement and location within soybean canopies do not result entirely from oviposition location and nutritional requirements.

Helicoverpa zea (Boddie) is a damaging pest of many crops including soybean, Glycine max (L.), especially in the southern United States. Previous studies have concluded that oviposition and development of H. zea larvae mirror the phenology of soybean, with oviposition occurring during full bloom, younger larvae developing on blooms and leaves, intermediate aged larvae developing on varying tissue types, and older larvae developing on flowers and pods. In a field trial, we investigated the presence of natural infestations of H. zea larvae by instar in determinate and indeterminate soybean varieties. In complementary experiments, we artificially infested H. zea and allowed them to oviposit on plants within replicated cages (one with a determinate variety and two with an indeterminate variety). Plants were sampled weekly during the time larvae were present. In the natural infestation experiment, most larvae were found on blooms during R3 and were early to middle instars; by R4, most larvae were found on leaves and were middle to late instars. In contrast, in the cage study, most larvae were found on leaves regardless of soybean growth stage or larval stage. Determinate and indeterminate growth habit did not impact larval preference for different soybean tissue types. Our studies suggest H. zea larvae prefer specific tissue types, but also provide evidence that experimental design can influence the results. Finally, our finding of larval preference for leaves contrasts with findings from previous studies.

Policy discourse surrounding Britain’s unusually well-resourced private schools surrounds their charitable status and their relationship with low social mobility, but informative evidence is scarce. We present estimates of the extent to which private and external benefits at age 25 are associated with attendance at private school in England in the 21st century. We find a weekly wage premium of 17 percent, and a 12 percentage point lower chance of downward social mobility. By contrast, private schooling is not significantly associated with participation in local voluntary groups, unpaid voluntary work, or charitable giving and fundraising; this finding casts doubt on claims that private schools deliver ‘public benefit’ in this way.

There is a perception among some commentators and policy analysts that leadership and managerial practices in private schools are superior to those in state schools. Analysing a survey of workplaces in Britain, we find little evidence to support this contention when examining the prevalence of modern human resource management (HRM) practices in schools. Rather, the evidence points to greater use of such practices in state schools. Those practices are correlated with improved school performance in the state sector, but not in the private sector. We discuss the implications of these findings for the policy of encouraging managers of private schools to sponsor state schools.

The aim of this article is to investigate the argument that choice and competition will unleash entrepreneurial innovation in free schools. Free schools were introduced as a subset of the Academies by the Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition government, following the general election in 2010. The government made it possible for non-state providers to set up their own independent, state-funded schools in order to create more choice, competition and innovation. We conclude that a higher level of substantive innovation is taking place in regards to management practices than in respect of curriculum and pedagogical practices. Innovation in curriculum and pedagogical practices is very limited. Creating a free school offer that seems to differ from other schools appears to be done through marketing and branding rather than innovation. We argue that parents, OFSTED, and the relative isolation of free schools constrain innovation from taking place.

Legislative changes and a recent court ruling allow private schools in England and Wales to determine how to provide the public benefits required to justify their charitable status. We investigate how private school headteachers and other informed stakeholders perceive their public benefit objectives and obligations. We find that schools interpret public beneficiaries widely to include one or more of state school pupils, local communities, other charities, and general society through raising socially responsible adults. Private schools pursue their own goals through public benefit provision, and balance the advantages of public benefit activities against the costs. The schools are not constrained by the ‘more than tokenistic’ minimum set by the regulator. The findings highlight the difficulties faced by governments who seek to pursue redistributive educational policies through charitable law.

Extended abstract of a paper presented at Microscopy and Microanalysis 2013 in Indianapolis, Indiana, USA, August 4 – August 8, 2013.

This paper describes the diffusion of computer use among jobs in Britain, and shows that the technology is having notable effects on the labour market. By 2006 three in four jobs entailed job-holders using computers, while for two in four jobs computer use was essential. Computing skills have a significant impact on pay but, in 2006, much of this effect is interactive with what we term ‘influence skills’. The average effect of a unit increase in the Computing Skills index (which ranges from 0 to 4) is to raise pay by an estimated 5.3 per cent and 6.0 per cent for men and women respectively. For men there is an additional 19.2 per cent boost to pay in establishments where at least three quarters of workers are working with computers, compared to establishments where no one uses computers. These effects are greater for those people in jobs with above-average influence skills requirements. Our estimates allow for education, a large number of other generic skills and other conventional controls, which makes them more robust to the critique that they are overestimates because they might suffer from omitted skill bias. IV estimates show only small differences from the OLS estimates. We also find that the direct and interactive effects of computer skills and influence skills have risen over the decade, indicating increased scarcity.

In the last two decades or so education and training have become central in the discussion of Britain's economic performance. There have been substantial changes in education and training policy (OECD 1995) and, at the same time, an expansion of participation in post-compulsory education. Both current and recent governments have aimed to raise work-based training through a mixture of persuasion and limited, selective, measures. Yet, there is considerable uncertainty about the extent to which the education and training system is enhancing skills in Britain or, for that matter, in many other countries. This paper concentrates on one dimension of the issue, namely work-based training statistics. There is uncertainty both over the amount of inputs into training and over its impact on skills. It argues that the uncertainty is, in part, the consequence of poor training statistics and that policy debate would benefit from improvements in the ways in which these statistics are compiled and interpreted.