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The investigation of structured variation in native communities lies at the center of language variation and change studies which was introduced by Labov (1963; 1966 ). Since the 1960s this quantitative approach has been highly influential in understanding variation and language change processes by investigating production and perception of language use (cf. e.g. Langstrof 2009; Hay and Drager 2010; Jansen 2019).
The UK is facing important changes in the near future, with Brexit, i.e. the UK leaving the European Union (EU), looming ever more closely on the horizon. These important political and economic changes will certainly have an influence on Europe as a whole, and have had linguistic consequences for the English language, such as Brexit-related neologisms (Lalić-Krstin & Silaški, 2018). As Modiano (2017a) suggests, Brexit might also have an influence on the status of the English language in the EU, in particular with regard to the dominance of native speaker varieties. In this article, we discuss the possibility of the use of a neutral European English variety in the EFL classrooms of two EU member states, i.e. Sweden and Germany. Based on a survey among 80 practitioners in secondary schools (first results were presented in Forsberg, Mohr & Jansen, 2019), the study investigates attitudes towards target varieties of English in general, and European English or ‘Euro-English’ (cf. Jenkins, Modiano & Seidlhofer, 2001; Modiano 2003) in particular, after the referendum in June 2016.
We provide a sufficient condition for the uniqueness in distribution of Gibbs point processes with non-negative pairwise interaction, together with convergent expansions of the log-Laplace functional, factorial moment densities and factorial cumulant densities (correlation functions and truncated correlation functions). The criterion is a continuum version of a convergence condition by Fernández and Procacci (2007), the proof is based on the Kirkwood–Salsburg integral equations and is close in spirit to the approach by Bissacot, Fernández, and Procacci (2010). In addition, we provide formulas for cumulants of double stochastic integrals with respect to Poisson random measures (not compensated) in terms of multigraphs and pairs of partitions, explaining how to go from cluster expansions to some diagrammatic expansions (Peccati and Taqqu, 2011). We also discuss relations with generating functions for trees, branching processes, Boolean percolation and the random connection model. The presentation is self-contained and requires no preliminary knowledge of cluster expansions.
The Centre for Isotope Research (CIO) at the University of Groningen has operated a radiocarbon (14C) dating laboratory for almost 70 years. In 2017, the CIO received a major upgrade, which involved the relocation of the laboratory to new purpose-built premises, and the installation of a MICADAS accelerator mass spectrometer. This period of transition provides an opportunity to update the laboratory’s routine procedures. This article addresses all of the processes and quality checks the CIO has in place for registering, tracking and pretreating samples for radiocarbon dating. Complementary updates relating to radioisotope measurement and uncertainty propagation will be provided in other forthcoming publications. Here, the intention is to relay all the practical information regarding the chemical preparation of samples, and to provide a concise explanation as to why each step is deemed necessary.
The student protests starting in 2015 added a new term to the lexicon of South African universities – decolonisation. It is of course a word with a long history dating back to the anti-colonial struggles of the 1950s and extending to the postcolonial period to signal ongoing efforts to ‘undo’ the legacies of colonialism. But decolonisation had never been a prominent or sustained component of the struggle discourse under or after apartheid. The discursive terminologies of the struggle included terms like antiapartheid education, liberation pedagogy, reconstruction and development education, and of course that ubiquitous referent, transformation. Literally overnight, the word decolonisation rolled off the lips of activists, bannered everyday protests and initiated across mainly the formerly white campuses seminars, conferences and committees to determine meanings and methods for changing universities – their complexions, cultures and curricula.
This book brings together the best curriculum minds in South Africa to make sense of decolonisation as a signal moment in the century-old history of higher education in South Africa. What does the word even mean? Why does it emerge at this moment, more than 20 years into democracy? Where does the press for decolonisation come from – intellectually, socially, culturally and politically? How does it relate to associated concepts such as Africanisation or indigenous education or postcolonial education? Is decolonisation the appropriate response, substantively and strategically, to the complex of problems gripping the education system in South Africa? Does the term decolonisation carry much validity in a country last formally colonised more than 100 years ago? Or is decolonisation simply a byword for proxy discontents in education and society? And what does decolonisation imply for the nature, purposes and politics of curriculum?
THE CONCEPTUAL ORIENTATION OF THE BOOK
In the literature, decolonisation is a concept that has been applied broadly to various things, from changes to the artworks of a university to the social transformation of entire nations. The specific focus of this book, however, is primarily on decolonisation as applied to the university curriculum; that is, as a knowledge project.
The question of knowledge as framed in this book is a political subject and therefore the decolonisation thesis is interrogated from the viewpoint of The Politics of Knowledge, as reflected in the subtitle of this volume.
Shortly after the giant bronze statue of Cecil John Rhodes came down at the University of Cape Town, student protestors called for the decolonisation of universities. It was a word hardly heard in South Africa's struggle lexicon and many asked: What exactly is decolonisation? This book brings together some of the most innovative thinking on curriculum theory to address this important question. In the process, several critical questions are raised: Is decolonisation simply a slogan for addressing other pressing concerns on campuses and in society? What is the colonial legacy with respect to curricula and can it be undone? How is the project of curricula decolonisation similar to or different from the quest for post-colonial knowledge, indigenous knowledge or a critical theory of knowledge? What does decolonisation mean in a digital age where relationships between knowledge and power are shifting? Strong conceptual analyses are combined with case studies of attempts to 'do decolonisation' in settings as diverse as South Africa, Uganda, Tanzania and Mauritius. This comparative perspective enables reasonable judgments to be made about the prospects for institutional take-up within the curriculum of century-old universities. Decolonisation in Universities is essential reading for undergraduate teaching, postgraduate research and advanced scholarship in the field of curriculum studies.
The fatalistic logic of the unassailable position of English in our literature leaves me more cold now than it did when I first spoke about it. … And yet, I am unable to see a significantly different or a more emotionally comfortable resolution of that problem.
– Chinua Achebe, Morning Yet on Creation Day
One of the critical roles of the social scientist, especially in times of high change, is the scrutiny of important concepts as they emerge from time to time in the public arena (Lee 2009). In South Africa, political slogans frequently serve as the currency carrying important concepts in social discourse. Those slogans become the rallying point for political competition among rival parties but they are also taken up in everyday conversations among citizens, often without closer examination. In recent years, those slogans include ‘radical economic transformation’, ‘white monopoly capital’ and ‘land expropriation without compensation’.
It is not that these ‘concepts as slogans’ (Head 1988) have no substantive merit in a massively unequal society harbouring deep grievances in the present about an unresolved past. Nor should this criticism be read as a dismissal of political slogans, for they have always been ‘significant symbols of society’ (Raj 2007), with the power to suggest actions, evoke emotions and persuade publics (Denton 2009). It is, rather, that these crisp and simple descriptions of complex problems – such as the urgent need for land reform – are seldom subjected to critical reflection and quickly attain the status of ‘empty signifiers’ (Long 2018: 20). We now know, for example, that concepts like ‘white monopoly capital’ were conjured up by the disgraced British public relations firm Bell Pottinger to deflect attention from the charges of state capture and corruption by President Zuma and his cronies (Chutel 2017).
The task of the social scientist when ‘concepts as slogans’ emerge is to subject them to critical analysis with questions such as: What does the concept mean? Why now? Where does it come from? And whose purposes does it serve? Social scientists fail in their responsibilities when they merely parrot popular terms and rush towards uncritical usage in academic work, without much reflection on the social and intellectual validity of key concepts.
The study examines the impact of a front-of-pack label (Dutch Choices) on household purchase patterns.
Change in households’ volume share of products eligible for the label (treatment group) is estimated as a function of changes in the market share of products displaying the label (treatment), while controlling for other relevant factors.
Home-scan data for five food categories, subdivided into eighteen food groups, for households participating in a Dutch consumer panel. The data are from the period 2005 to 2009, which includes the date of the introduction of the Choices label.
Between 831 and 7216 households from all over the Netherlands.
An increase in the market share of products displaying the label led to an increase in the volume share purchased of products eligible for the label for dairy products, yoghurts and for sauces. For some of the products, the partial effect is considerable (e.g. a 10 percentage point (pp) increase in the share of products displaying the label is associated with a 11·5 and 14·0 pp increase in the volume share of eligible products for chocolate milk and quark, respectively).
The results suggest a positive effect from the presence of the Choices label on the volume share of eligible products purchased. Provided that eligible products are healthier than non-eligible products, the Choices label is a good guide for consumers in order to help them make healthier food choices. The positive effect is found mainly in food groups with a mix of both healthy and unhealthy food products.