In all the confusion of nineteenth century political conflict in Latin America, clearly defined doctrinal issues and policy disagreements . are often hard to detect. The clearest—it is generally agreed—had to do with religious matters. The specific content of debate might vary with time and place, but everywhere in Latin America a fundamental question was posed: i.e., to what extent the Roman Catholic Church should continue to enjoy the status it had acquired during the colonial period, when it held a religious monopoly, a vast amount of wealth, extensive influence in the field of education, and much more besides. Few Latin American leaders opposed all innovation on the ecclesiastical front, and even fewer wished a total transformation; but there was ample room for controversy, with "liberals" normally seeking more rapid and fundamental changes than "conservatives" were prepared to accept.

Despite numerous biographies, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna remains one of the most enigmatic characters to have emerged in nineteenth century Latin America. Often dismissed by his many detractors as an unprincipled opportunist in the worst military caudillo tradition, he nevertheless dominated the turbulent and often chaotic Mexican political scene in the thirty years between independence and the Reform. His life has naturally been subjected to close scrutiny by both his contemporaries and more recent historians but his genius for political manouevre and equivocation have left many episodes in his career obscure and subject to doubt. Perhaps nowhere is this more the case than in his first presidency from 1833-1834 and in particular in his relations with his vice-president Gomez Farias' administration. This article seeks to examine his activities and ambitions in these years, and to suggest reasons, which hitherto have been overlooked or at least not given sufficient attention by his biographers, why he chose to betray and destroy the liberals' first attempt at reform.

The year of 1786 was one of famine and disease in New Spain. The effects of the unseasonable frost which had destroyed the corn crop in August of the previous year were felt especially in Mexico City. Hungry peasants and Indians flocked to the capital where they encountered masses of unemployed artisans. Prices of basic commodities soared; epidemic disease plagued the population, particularly among the poor; and crime increased. Social unrest and desperation rose to a peak, causing government and church authorities to enact a series of emergency measures designed to aid the indigent and punish grain speculators.

In the 1837-1839 rebellion in Guatemala Rafael Carrera, an illiterate mestizo swineherd, led his impromptu army of indigenous peasants to victory over Liberal government forces of Mariano Galvez. The rebellion was a popular insurrection in some respects, with Carrera and his followers fighting to restore religious and social customs that were being threatened by Liberal legislation. Encouraged by his parish priestadvisors and adored by his followers, Carrera had reached a stage of selfimportance which made him feel personally responsible for delivering the Guatemalan people from the Galvez regime. After three years of fighting, the rebels ousted the Liberals from office, and established a government administered by the clero-aristocratic oligarchy, but dominated by Carrera.