The community singing movement was a distinctive feature of English popular musical life in the mid-1920s. Although initiated by individuals who saw it as essentially educational, it was rapidly appropriated by sections of the press, and especially the Daily Express, as an instrument in the circulation wars of the period. It was typified by a restricted range of music comprising ‘national’ songs, hymns (with the performance of ‘Abide with Me’ at the FA Cup Final singing particularly important), and songs of the First World War. This mixture and the concomitant neglect of modern popular song reflects the rather nostalgic thrust behind activities, with calls for community singing to recreate a ‘Merrie England’ that would heal the deep social divisions of the 1920s. Whether the singers were fully aware of these various musical and socio-political agendas is unclear, but community singing undoubtedly enjoyed a period of considerable popularity, with the music appreciated for allowing displays of individual and collective emotion.

As Matthew Bannister has recently suggested in these pages (see Popular Music, 25/1), The Smiths stand at the head of a 1980s Indie canon based on its rejection of a commodification associated with contemporary black US musics. This article argues that this racial understanding has also bled into the band’s critical reception, encouraging many to assume that Morrissey and Marr drew on exclusively white influences. Specifically, I argue that the white camp icons from the 1950s and 1960s who famously adorn the band’s record sleeves together form a kind of smokescreen, or ‘beard’, which stokes interest in Morrissey’s sexual predilections and orients it away from his and Marr’s Black Atlantic sources. The pre-immigrant Britain summoned up by these icons, I argue, helps prevent fans and critics alike from grasping that Morrissey’s lyrical attempts to find humour and succour by remembering pain is profoundly inspired by the African-American form of the Blues.

Is the proportion of German language music in total record sales in Germany a cause for optimism or for concern? This question is very difficult to answer as the national branch of the IFPI only supplies statistics on ‘national repertoire’ and not specifically on ‘national language repertoire’ – and even that covers music sung in any language, not only in German. Since the call for a music quota for radio stations lacks a precise definition (German or German language) there is some reason to suspect that the real aim behind this discussion is not to support German music culture but rather national economic interests. As a matter of fact, the average proportion of German language songs in the charts is currently the highest it has been in the last thirty years.

An analysis of the Top 20 in the national end-of-year charts of various European countries shows that the number of national language songs is generally increasing again after a substantial decline in the 1980s and 1990s. This is the case not only with record sales but also with airplay. This means that the increase cannot only be due to the massive drop in sales of international repertoire caused by file sharing on the Internet.

The International Association for the Study of Popular Music’s biennial international conference took place in July this year in Mexico City. The facilities in the Universidad Iberoamericana, a modern private Jesuit University in the city’s business quarter, were excellent, with video projection and a good sound system in all the air-conditioned rooms. The plenary sessions were translated to and from Spanish and also video recorded and streamed onto the Internet, with a blog where watchers could leave comments.

When New Zealand’s ‘third-way’ Labour government came to power in 1999 it placed a greater policy and funding emphasis on the arts and culture. Like other ‘promotional states’ (Cloonan 1999) the Labour government sought to support the domestic popular music industry through a voluntary radio quota. Drawing on qualitative research, this article describes the ways in which the state, through New Zealand on Air, negotiates and leverages domestic popular music artists onto commercial radio. In this process, state agents mobilise social networks to ‘join-up’ commercially appropriate artists to radio programmers. The success of this programme is based upon state agents developing an institutional isomorphism with existing music industry practices. Even so, popular music makers contest New Zealand on Air’s sympathetic policy settings by citing forms of institutional exclusion.

This article addresses the ongoing impact of Canadian Content Regulations as applied to commercial radio. While commercial broadcasters have repeatedly called for a relaxation of the regulations in response to the changing music industry, particularly the increased impact of the Internet, it is possible to demonstrate that the regulations have had a positive impact on Canadian listening habits. An examination of the ‘national’ charts provided by Last.fm, a website that tracks users’ listening habits, shows that Canadian users listen to Canadian tracks in excess of the amounts currently regulated for radio. Commercial broadcasters’ claims that the regulations prevent them from competing fairly with new technology thus run counter to such evidence. As official charts, and hence commercial playlists are still reliant on older modes of tracking music, via in-store purchases, an incomplete picture of the current state of the industry exists, and it is this picture that seems to shape the claims made by the commercial industry. Additionally, this paper explores the rise of a successful Canadian ‘scene’, spearheaded by bands such as Arcade Fire and Broken Social Scene, that demonstrates the impact of policy in creating a national music culture that is confident enough to no longer have to be explicitly Canadian, either sonically or lyrically. Cancon regulations would appear to have aided in situating Canadian acts comfortably within a wider music culture within Canada.