In December of 1951, the Cornell Peru Project, created under an agreement signed by Cornell University and the government of Peru, undertook a systematic program of research and development in the depressed highland Indian hacienda of Vicos, located in the Callejón de Huaylas, an intermontane valley some 270 miles north of Lima. In subsequent years Project personnel, in co-operation with functionaries of the Peruvian government, carried out a comprehensive program of development that significantly transformed the economic, educational, medical, and political institutions of the community. This program has included the introduction of innovations in farming techniques, the construction of an educational system, the building of a medical facility, and the transfer of local political power into the hands of the Indians.

This paper considers some of the ways in which the activities of the Project have affected population structure and change in the community and, in turn, how some of these population changes have affected, and are likely to affect, the efforts of the Project in the development of the community.

La primera impresión que acude a mi memoria pensando en Berni es la de un viaje que realicé a Rosario en compañía de su mujer y de su hijo. Berni estaba a la sazón en Europa y nuestra visita tenía como motivo inaugurar en el Museo Castagnino de esa ciudad, una muestra de los grabados que habían obtenido para Berni el galardón más alto que otorga la Bienal de Venecia. El recuerdo aludido se vincula sin duda al hecho de que Berni es de Rosario y que, aunque vagamente, conservo en la retina algún paisaje suyo cuando el artista casi adolescente reflejaba las impresiones del campo santafesino: el cielo claro, los trigales, la opulencia de la llanura reventona de cosechas, un aire de prosperidad agrícola que envuelve al viajero durante la travesía de esta región, el ganado gordo, el sol brillante, el paisano bien alimentado. Una trayectoria elíptica hasta las villas miseria que ocupan una de sus más recientes etapas pero en las que se conserva de algún modo la exuberancia de una riqueza natural que sin duda acompaña a Berni desde la niñez y que ha quedado estampada en su subconsciencia con la fuerza de un tatuaje.

In those days in the French Quarter of New Orleans there were among others men who were giants among the nation's creative great and some who would become giants or nearly so, men like Sherwood Anderson and Oliver LaFarge and the poet John McClure and Lyle Saxon and Roark Bradford whose delightful genius had not yet had its due. And, briefly, William Faulkner. All of them are dead now.

But in those days they were not dead, and some of them kept the Quarter very much alive with their pranks and penchants and their predilection for a sort of Bohemianism that seemed natural and even proper there and then. For the most part they commanded the admiration of the neophytes, we who were very young reporters or hopeless scribblers and others not yet ready to have a try at the one or the other but only students who prowled the Quarter in search of some famed face and maybe an introduction and a word or two.

Los gobiernos de facto se suceden en el mundo y particularmente en América, con una periodicidad extraordinaria, debido a causas políticas, sociales o económicas muy profundas que merecen el examen y el análisis detenido y serio de los juristas, de los políticos, de los sociólogos y de los estadistas.

El trabajo que sigue a continuación no pretende ser un estudio exhaustivo de la cuestión sino una contribución más para profundizar su conocimiento.

Al considerar el tema, la primera pregunta que surge es la siguiente: ¿qué es un gobierno de facto? La respuesta, a través de la experiencia recogida en los últimos ciento cincuenta años, sería aproximadamente: “un gobierno provisional o transitorio, surgido a raíz de la independencia o el nacimiento de una nueva nación, o de una revolución triunfante, o de una acefalía presidencial o prevista en la respectiva Constitución, que se encuentra en posesión de las fuerzas militares y/o policiales necesarias para asumir el poder público de esa nación y mantener el orden”.

Fortunate good judgment led the founders of the Journal of Inter-American Studies to place major emphasis in their new enterprise of six years ago on the most neglected aspect of studies related to the western hemisphere: the Inter-American aspect.

North Americans at that time had long been devoting scholarly attention to their neighbors to the South. But generally their study — sympathetic and understanding though it was — was of one people looking at other peoples through eyes that saw backgrounds, outlooks, and problems essentially different from their own. Thinking on the part of the North Americans was in terms of Latin American studies, Hispanic American studies, or even South American studies.

Why is there grave ideological division in some societies and an overwhelming consensus in others? Miserable living conditions as opposed to high material standards? Inflation or economic stabilization? The immigration of “radical” workers and the inflow of extremist literature as opposed to the maintenance of a “homogenous” population and, perhaps, censorship? Capitalist exploitation and the class struggle as contrasted with socialist competition and classlessness? Although some of these economic and political counterpropositions might, if carefully analyzed, yield helpful answers to the question posed, such phenomena are often symptomatic of deeper dislocations in society. One of these deeper dislocations which can, in the opinion of this writer, provide real understanding of ideological division involves the maturation process as it occurs in individuals, in the family, and ultimately in society as a whole. It is the thesis of this article that when the maturation process is unduly slowed or interrupted consensus in society may be sacrificed and social crisis may result. Analysis is developed around a social-psychological framework and consensus in society and in the labor relations system is explored from this point of view.

In Latin America three main currents of nationalism exist. One of these, middle class, fits well the excellent definition suggested by Professor Paul Shoup, displaying a fundamental attachment to the values in a country's national culture and history; a need for a considerable degree of independence with priority given to one's own immediate national interest; and, finally, nationalistic emphasis upon industrialization as a means of progress. The second and third currents of nationalism are fraudulent in character, that is, nationalistic feelings are manipulated by Communists to serve the purposes of Russian or Chinese Communist foreign policy, and a similar manipulation by members of the privileged elite to protect their monopoly of political and economic power sometimes may be found.

The well-drained, fluvio-volcanic outwash plain of the Pacific coast of Central America, stretching from the Mexican border to the Gulf of Nicoya, has undergone remarkable change in recent years. Malarial control, highway and port construction, and the initiative of governments and private land-owners, have made this the most active zone of agricultural development in Central America. Large-scale mechanized cotton farms and livestock ranches have been eating rapidly into the dry tropical forest that until recently covered most of this coastal apron at the foot of the 700-mile long Central American volcanic chain, producing important new sources of employment and foreign exchange earnings. Acreage in sugar cane and essential oil grasses (citronella and lemon grass) also has been expanding, and the booming shrimp export trade has added yet another fillup to the economies of these pocket-sized countries so long plagued with coffee or banana monoculture.

The armed forces in nearly all of the developing countries have frequently played a significant role in the political process. Because civilian groups—such as political parties, interest associations, bureaucracies—tend to be weak, fluid, and amorphous during the transition from a “traditional” to a “modern” society, the military is liable to be the strongest and best organized actor in the system. The roles may vary, from performing minimal governmental functions to exercising exclusive governing power, but in general the armed forces in the developing countries have a deeper domestic involvement in government and politics than their counterparts in the more “developed” nations.

From an historical point of view, Latin America is often considered the home of political militarism. The caudillo, or “man on horseback,” has traditionally galloped in and out of the presidential palace with frequent regularity.

The economic history of Uruguay from the turn of the century up to the early 1950's is characterized by economic growth, by extensive governmental involvement in economic activity, and by an ardent secularist faith in the welfare state ideals of the great José Batlle y Ordóñez and the Batllista tradition which lived on after him. Its small size, stable democracy, and apparent aloofness from the problems of the rest of the continent have earned la Republica Oriental del Uruguay such sobriquets as the “Switzerland” or “Utopia” of South America. Beginning in the early 1950's, however, there were signs that this country which had for so long been a model laboratory for progress and reform to its crisis-ridden neighbors, was itself about to face a crisis. The economic dimension of the Uruguayan crisis is that the annual per capita gross national product (currently about 500 dollars) has not risen for over a decade, and has in fact declined slightly in the last several years.

Who is to blame when the political rhythm of an organized society slips into atrophy and chaos? This enigmatic question towers in the background of recent Colombian history. A country of relative political stability since the birth of Liberalism in the 1930's, Colombia's political life was suddenly rent in 1948 by a horrendous bloodletting which threatened to raze Bogotá and plunged the nation into anarchy. The real villain, wrote Vernon Fluharty, was the system itself. Although the civil war proportions of the violence that followed the bogotazo were ended during the military government of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953-57), a fierce sequence of guerrilla activities continued to plague the countryside. Much of the violence was precipitated by young men who, having deserted their primary groups after the assassination of Gaitán, carried on the war against humanity as a way of life, often in the absence of any ostensible political motive or economic gain.

On October 16, 1962, the President of the United States — the late President Kennedy — was informed of the results of aerial surveillance of Cuba: missiles with a definite “offensive” capability were being prepared for launching! Six days later, on October 22, in an evening radio and television address to the nation, President Kennedy presented, in no mistakable terms, the new military threat to the United States posed by Cuba, and announced actions to be taken that were equally unequivocal and dramatic.

The Central American Economic Integration Program, commonly called the Central American Common Market, was initiated in 1951 by the Central American governments and the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA), The stated objective of the movement is “to overcome the limitations and obstacles to Central American development arising from the limited resources and market expansion opportunities which characterize the economy of every Central American State.” The hope is that these ends can be promoted through liberalization of intra-regional trade and other forms of economic co-operation.

In the vast maze of official United States programs for technical cooperation with Latin America, one of those that have attracted least attention is the support of Latin American scientific research by the United States Air Force. The program is a small one, not only as compared with the total research effort supported by the Air Force at home and abroad but also as compared with the total array of United States scientific and technical assistance to Latin America. It is not, in fact, an “assistance” program at all in the usual sense: it is, rather, a program in which Latin Americans assist the United States and simply receive payment for services rendered.

The assistance in question is not in any way directly related to the development of new weapons or to actual military activities; it operates on the level of basic and applied research, and is concerned only with increasing the general store of scientific knowledge on which future advances in non-military as well as military technology must ultimately rest.

In Latin America, international rivalry over aviation followed World War I. In its early form, it consisted of a commercial scramble among several Western European nations and the United States to sell airplanes and aviation products and to establish airlines in Latin America. Somewhat later, expanding European aviation activities posed an implicit threat to the Panama Canal.

Before World War I, certain aerophiles had sought to advance the airplane as the panacea for the transportation problem in Latin America. The aviation pioneer Alberto Santos-Dumont of Brazil and the Aero Club of America, an influential private United States association, were in the van. In 1916, efforts by these enthusiasts led to the formation of the Pan American Aviation Federation, which they envisioned as the means of promoting and publicizing aviation throughout the Western Hemisphere.

The purpose of this article is to provide a brief introduction and description of the dominant power components within the Brazilian university student movement in the area of political action. This is a field in which very little has been written, either in English or Portuguese. Because of this, and also due to the constant state of flux within the movement, this study must be considered as an initial effort toward understanding a rather complex area of Brazilian affairs. Much of what is described here may be radically changed within a few years, though in which direction is not yet clear. While extreme left groups now dominate the movement, some signs of democratic awakening are beginning to appear. These are, however, weak and sporadic efforts.

Notre Anthologie panorama de la Poésie Haitienne parue en 1950 s'est arrêtée à cette date. Depuis, a vu le jour une collection de poètes. Nous n'avons pas la prétention de les connaître tous, ni d'en faire un recensement complet. Nous voulons, dans cette étude, présenter quelques-uns d'entre eux, sans distinction de sexe, essayant de fixer l'époque à laquelle ils appartiennent ainsi que les particularités de leurs oeuvres.

Près de quinze ans durant, le monde entier a connu bien des bouleversements, crises politiques, troubles sociaux, mais progrès technique d'une portée jamais égalée. Fréquents aussi sont les conflits de travail. Le capital finit par comprendre qu'il lui faut composer et faire un meilleur sort au travail qui a désormais son programme de revendications et son porte-parole avec les syndicats et les organisations ouvrières.

La investigación médica en la América tiene un pionero de gran calidad en Carlos Juan Finlay. En este cubano se concentran J factores que revelan una verdadera categoría de cultura y de ascenso en la mentalidad latinoamericana de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX.

Nació Finlay en la ciudad de Camagüey el 3 de diciembre de 1833, y es su padre un médico escocés avecindado en Cuba, el Dr. Edward Finlay, y su madre Isabel de Barres, que es francesa de nacimiento. Su educación secundaria fue francesa pues sus estudios se hicieron en el Liceo de Ruán (Rheims), pero la universitaria tuvo una doble vertiente cultural: se graduó de Doctor en Medicina en el Jefferson Medical College de Filadelfia en 1855 con honores de Doctor en Ciencias, y en la Universidad de la Habana, en 1857.