On February 27, 1967, representatives of the member nations of the Organization of American States, meeting in Buenos Aires, Argentina, signed the Protocol of Amendment to the 1948 Charter of Bogotá. It will become effective when ratified by two-thirds of the signatory states.

The Protocol reflects the current mood toward the inter-American regional system, and perhaps toward international organization in general. Contrasted with the 1948 Charter, the Protocol has its elements of strength and of weakness. The spirit of internationalism today, however, is much weaker than it was in 1948, and from the standpoint of the Organization the elements of weakness within the Protocol are much greater than the elements of strength.

S'il faut entendre par valeurs ces conceptions générales qu'on a sur la science et la technique, sur le progrès ou sur l'innovation, ou ces dispositions plus générales encore vis-à-vis de l'univers physique ou humain, comme l'orientation vers l'avenir ou l'esprit prométhéen, il n'est en fait guère démontré qu'elles exercent une influence favorable sur la croissance économique. Sans aucun doute ces valeurs culturelles se retrouvent avec une fréquence remarquable dans les pays industrialisés. Mais la question est de savoir si dans les pays au seuil de la croissance, ces valeurs culturelles peuvent favoriser la croissance économique définie provisoirement comme un accroissement continu du produit global.

The persistence of trade and exchange controls in developing countries is of growing concern among economic circles and has been dealt with in recent discussions and papers, both published and unpublished. In Latin America exchange practices have severely tested the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which represents the prevailing ideology of a liberal international monetary policy. The principles and activities of this institution have tended to conflict in many ways with the development efforts of Latin American countries—a fact that has not always been fully recognized due to the confidential nature of many of the Fund's actions. One important issue has been the problem of multiple exchange rates, which, in many Latin American countries, came to constitute an important instrument of the policy of industrialization through import substitution.

Estudiando esta época que en la historia americana se llama “crucismo”, es rare que algún boliviano después de leer los documentos históricos sobre el Mariscal don Andrés Santa Cruz no se apasione. Investigando esta época que se llama “crucismo” se logra sin dificultad comprender lo que fue Bolivia, lo que quiso ser y lo que es ahora. Nuestras desgracias nos vienen desde esa etapa, por haber querido ser grandes y abatido las alas del cóndor andino, por no haber comprendido con cerebro la “Confederatión”, como no la comprendieron los adversaries del Mariscal Santa Cruz. Y no es temerario decir que nuestra expiatión como bolivianos nace desde la batalla de Yungay. Es curioso, por otra parte, que la mayoría de los bolivianos no conocen su propia historia y no se reconcilian espiritualmente, pensando que todas las cosas son transitorias y que los pueblos siguen a sus caudillos y se encarnan en ellos.

On December 9, 1964, Ernesto Guevara de la Serna, Cuban Minister of Industries and the most powerful man in Cuba under the Castro brothers, flew from Havana to New York to address the United Nations. He lashed at the United States and predicted continental revolution, “That wave of heightening fury, of just demands, of rights that have been flouted, is rising throughout Latin America, and no one can stop that tide.” From New York Guevara flew to Algiers, and thus began a trek that would take him to countries in Africa, Europe and Asia. For three months Guevara traveled, talking to leaders of nations, preaching revolution and communism wherever he went.

The coming to power of the Bolivian National Revolutionary Movement (Movimento Nacionalista Revolucionario—MNR) marks a major break in Bolivia's continuity of development, a major recasting of her social order. As a result of the 1952 Revolution the political and economic power of the traditional elite, which rested upon its ownership and control of most of the nation's land and natural resources, was substantially eliminated; power passed into the hands of new groups, including an emerging middle class, which was primarily responsible for the 1952 Revolution, and the Indian population, which for the first time acquired a considerable measure of economic independence and the opportunity to participate in national politics.

One of the most neglected fields in current social science research until quite recently has been the problem of revolution. While some progress has been made in defining the stages of development once a revolutionary process has begun, and in clarifying the differences between revolts and social revolutions in the context of the underdeveloped world, the whole area of origins still remains a largely unexplored field. The debate is still quite fierce as to whether revolutionaries are marginal or integrated persons; or whether revolutions begin because of too rapid industrialization or because of too little; because of actual exploitation or because of rising expectations. In short, there has been a multiplicity of theories, but few concrete tests of many of these propositions.

Chile en la proportión correspondiente ha pasado por todas las etapas del desarrollo capitalista. En particular en el período de la República ha seguido en tono menor su curso general. Surgió la gran industria en la forma específica chilena, en la minería. Gran industria que en su época inicial lleva implícita la explotación humana en sus formas más duras. Efectúa un aparente retorno al período de la Acumulación Primitiva, forzada, propia de la América del siglo XVI. Entre esos rasgos antiguos, hay uno específico: la esclavitud.

The century embracing the wars and turmoils that politically separated America from Europe coincides roughly with that great change in the economic life of the western world known as the “Industrial Revolution.” Admitting that this so-called “Revolution” did not occur simultaneously everywhere, or affect all parts in a like manner, it is nonetheless clear that it had a profound effect not only on the material well-being of the American peoples, but on their social and political institutions as well, probably an effect even more important than the political revolutions and wars that accompanied it. The period thus demands careful attention and lends itself well to regional comparative study.

Taking into account the historical and geographical differences, as well as, of course, the nature and intrinsic value of the works concerned, Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis (1839-1908) occupies the same position in Brazilian literature as Camoens does in Portuguese, Cervantes in Spanish, Dante in Italian, Goethe in German, and Shakespeare in English.

In other words, to use symbolic language borrowed from geography itself, Machado de Assis undoubtedly represents the highest peak in Brazilian literature. He can claim to have produced its most significant work up to his time—perhaps no very great achievement. But what is remarkable is the fact that such work has remained so up to the present day, particularly that part produced during the last thirty years of his life.