Since the Second World War there has been a growing awareness that labour relations in the construction industry do not lend themselves to legislative frameworks designed to cope with union-management relations in general. In the United States this has given rise to a number of provisions in the federal legislation which have particular reference to the labour problems of the construction industry. Under the Taft-Hartley Act, for example, there was the banning of the closed shop and the prohibition of jurisdictional disputes and certain types of secondary boycotts. More recently, under the Landrum-Griffin Act, unions in the building trades were exempted from some of the restrictions which apply to union-security arrangements and to the employment of secondary boycotts in industry and commerce generally.

That there is also the need for a special legislative approach to the labour relations problems of the construction industry in at least one jurisdiction in Canada has been shown by the work of the Goldenberg Commission in the Province of Ontario. After setting this work in perspective, this article will focus on the implications of the Commission's findings for the applicability of both the Ontario Labour Relations Act and such protective labour statutes as the Industrial Standards Act.

Même si la plupart des manuels de science politique parlent du déclin des chambres hautes à notre époque, elles n'en continuent pas moins à poser un problème « classique » et «crucial». Ce sont les deux épithètes qu'emploie Georges Burdeau dans son volumineux et inégal Traité de science politique en précisant qu’ « il n'est guère de problèmes d'organisation constitutionnelle qui n'aient donné lieu, dans les milieux politiques, à des discussions plus âpres, et dans la doctrine, à une littérature plus abondante que celui de savoir si l'organe législatif doit être constitué par une assemblée unique ou par deux chambres». Dès l'antiquité, sous forme de ce qu'on appelait alors le régime mixte-la combinaison de la royauté, l'aristocratie, et la démocratie-le problème a passionné les esprits et Platon en a esquissé la théorie dans Les Lois. Aristote a précisé les idées de son maître dans sa Politique et a inspiré au Moyen Age Thomas d'Aquin qui, dans son régime politique idéal, veut combiner royauté, aristocratie, et démocratie. On ne possédait tout de même pas une idée très précise de la chambre haute qui ne s'incarna vraiment qu'avec la naissance et le développement de la Chambre des Lords en Angleterre. Mais ce n'est évidemment qu'avec l'avènement des idées démocratiques au dix-huitième siècle et surtout leur mise en pratique au dix-neuvième que se posa vraiment la question de la dualité des chambres. Après un débat fameux, en septembre, 1789, la Révolution française fut d'abord favorable à une assemblée unique mais dans la constitution de l'an III, le bicaméralisme triompha comme il devait triompher dans la plupart des constitutions pour servir de frein aux assemblées populaires. Il fut cependant, en 1830, l'objet d'une brillante attaque de la part de Jeremy Bentham dans sa lettre «to his fellow citizens of France on Houses of Peers and Senates».

The purpose of this paper is to discuss some of the most significant gaps in the Canadian criminal statistics. It seems fairly obvious that in order to achieve this end, an answer has first to be given to the question, “What are the objectives of criminal statistics?” This sets the stage for working out, in far more specific terms, why the collection of statistics is undertaken, what information is sought, and what use is to be made of the findings, and by whom.

The term “criminal statistics” is used very broadly to refer to all material collected regularly which gives information on any of the various phases of the law-enforcement process. Criminal statistics are an essential tool of administration and social planning for crime reduction. The basic postulate of this paper can be summarized as follows: Quantitative data obtained from the normal flow of activities of law-enforcement agencies at the various phases of the law-enforcement process become more meaningful when related to each other.

The periodic revision of the weights for an index provides an opportunity to review and modify the concepts and procedures used and also to give information about them. The latest revision of the Canadian Consumer Price Index (CPI) has made some use of this opportunity to change procedures, but the explanation of the index leaves much to be desired. This is unfortunate because the published material describing the procedures used in the construction of the Canadian CPI is very limited. In the Preface of an earlier publication, “a more technical reference paper as well as other explanations of the index” were announced for later release. These explanations have not appeared, and the publication under review, with its extensive quotations from the earlier publication, is not a suitable substitute.