In a recent paper in American Antiquity, Steward and Setzler have pointed out that appreciation and use of certain ethnological concepts would serve to direct archaeologists and to enrich archaeology. I would like to shake hands with them on this and as an ethnologist add a word or two about the interdependence of these two branches of anthropology, particularly among Pueblo cultures.

It is hardly necessary to make a general brief for the kind of interdependence that prevails in our Southwest, where extant cultures are historically related to cultures under archaeological research. There is no dispute that the living culture has light to throw upon the buried one. Theoretically no dispute; practically we are constantly surprised to find Southwestern archaeologists, even seasoned students, unfamiliar with the ethnological record and having to leave to the ethnologist interpretation of their data: plums for the ethnologist but a loss to the man who has been doing the work.

The area referred to in the following summary of investigations includes the valley of the Tanana River, sections of the Central Yukon Valley above the mouth of the Tanana, and the upper Copper River Valley. This sub-arctic region, inhabited by bands of semi-nomadic Athapascan Indians, by white traders, trappers, miners, and only recently by a few farmers, presents unusual difficulties to an attempt to discover archaeological sites. This is due not only to the sparse population and limited cultivation but to the characteristic mantle of moss, brush and forest that obscures all evidence of ancient dwelling sites. No habitable caves or rock shelters have been found. Under these circumstances, investigations must depend primarily upon information obtained from the present natives and upon accidental discoveries made by white settlers in very limited cultivation and in placer mining operations.

The complete lower jaw of a Mastodon was found a number of years ago in “Pleistocene” gravels several miles from Bitterwater, San Benito County, California. When this locality was visited a few weeks ago by a field party from the Museum of Paleontology, University of California, a confusing “association” of Proboscidean bones and recent utensils was observed. Near the top of a cross-bedded deposit of gravel lay the distal end of an elephant limb bone (see Figure 5). Immediately below was found an Indian stone mortar, and again below the latter occurred a cast iron Dutch oven. This association was obviously the result of re-working of these evidently non-contemporaneous objects.

During the early spring of 1938, a collector from Van Horn, Gilbert Monk, carried on superficial excavations at the Baylor Rock Shelter twelve miles north of Van Horn in Culberson County, Texas. His digging yielded crude yucca sandals, fiber cordage, undecorated pottery sherds, fragments of compound darts, a tumpline forehead band, a cache of chipped flints including a drill, a projectile point, and three knives, and a complete atlatl.

It is the resemblance of this last specimen to the Cimarron atlatl, and the general emphasis on the atlatj-bow chronology that suggested to the writers the desirability of describing this implement in some detail, although a complete excavation of the Baylor Shelter and a description of the other artifacts is planned for the near future.

The atlatl is complete except for the finger loops (see Figure 9). I t is made of a hard, straight-grained wood, possibly mesquite, and is highly polished.

The artifacts of rough stone consist of a crude lamp and some stone hammers, the latter unmodified by chipping or any other process.

Stone lamp. A. S. Darby found at Old Port au Choix a fragment of a lamp roughly made by hollowing out an ovoid or oblong boulder of sandstone (Plate XV, Figure 2, Number 1). The cavity is about 1¼ inches deep and is rounded from end to end and side to side. There is no wick ledge. The thickest part of the base is 1⅛ inches, but the walls decrease in thickness toward the rounded edges at the top. The hollow is slightly discolored by the blubber and there is an incrustation of burnt blubber on both sides of the intact wall. There is a large natural hollow in the base.

Another crude stone lamp was found by Israel Hutchings at the Cow Head site; it consisted of a hollow stone, judging from his description.

During the course of a survey of surface manifestations in the region of Piatt National Park, Oklahoma, the writer's attention was called to the distinctive form of scraper occurring in sites between Buckhorn and Oil Creek, streams heading four and eight miles south of the Park, respectively.

The two creeks are outlets of underground waters from the numerous caves of that locality. The waters are clear, cold and palatable, and the banks of the creeks were favorite locations for camps of prehistoric peoples, if one can judge by the thousands of flint chips that cover the surface. The streams empty within twelve miles into the False Washita, a river whose geological history goes far back into Palaeozoic times.

In recent years, the attention of some archaeologists has been directed to the Canadian Northwest with the expectation of finding some evidence or indication of the early migrations of man on this continent. That man reached North America by Bering Strait from Asia, is generally accepted, but the theory that the migrations took place in late Pleistocene times and by way of an open corridor between the Keewatin ice and the Rockies, requires confirmation. It is significant that Folsom and Yuma points from Saskatchewan, described by E. B. Howard, were found mainly in areas bordering the ancient glacial Lake Regina.

As a further contribution to this problem, it seems desirable to present a brief description of a carved stone relic found in gravel in central Saskatchewan about three years ago.

The stone was found about seven miles southeast of the town of D'Arcy in a gravel pit located on Sec. 9, Tp. 28, Rge. 18, W. 3rd Meridian, on the north bank of a ravine running east into Bad Lake.

In the October issue of this publication, Mr. Frank Bryan, geologist of the Seaboard Oil Corporation of Dallas, Texas, gives a new interpretation of the age of the associated archaeological and paleontological discoveries made at the gravel pit, between Clovis and Portales, New Mexico. In doing this he takes pointed exception to the interpretations already published. There cannot be the slightest objection to such a difference of opinion, but it can be sincerely questioned whether he is justified in making such a statement as the following, which appears in the opening paragraphs of his article: “We have, as a matter of fact, conservative archaeological field work being explained by a slipshod attempt at geological radicalism.”

One holiday morning, several years ago, I turned southeast from Highway 66 at Manuelito, New Mexico, six miles east of the Arizona-New Mexico state line. Nothing was more remote from my mind than archaeology. I was bound for some buttes, visible from the highway, in search of pictures. After driving nearly five miles the trail led around an immense Pueblo III ruin measuring about four hundred by six hundred feet.

It developed that the ruins were known to a few local traders and ranchers and were a matter of record at the Smithsonian Institution to the extent that the area was listed as of archaeological interest though, so far as is known, it had never been intensively investigated by an archaeologist. Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, Jr. and Dr. H. P. Mera had made rough surveys.

The Wiccomiss Indians, from the very first, seem to have been in bad odor with the Maryland authorities. No treaty of peace was ever made with them by Maryland. In 1642, together with the Nanticokes and Susquehannocks. they were declared to be enemies of the Province. The same year, this proclamation was revoked as far as it concerned the Nanticokes, but remained in force regarding the others. In 1647, Maryland sent a punitive expedition, under Captain John Price, against “ye Townes & Plantacons of ye Indians of Nanticoke & Wicomick…lying to ye eastward of this Province.”

The large number of carved bone ornaments found in sites of the extinct Beothuk of Newfoundland and illustrated in some abundance in Howley's monograph on this tribe, have been a source of speculation among American archaeologists r as to their associations with Eskimo or Indian art. Without knowing positively that these objects are pendant ornaments for the fur coats worn by this and other groups in the northeast there has been a tendency by inr ference to regard them as such. The fact that similarly appearing carved pendants of ivory are known from the Labrador Eskimo in general, and are also typical of coat decoration of the Baffinlanders, as well as other bands of Eskimo of the central group, puts the question to test, and points to the probability that the Beothuk objects served a similar purpose in clothing decoration.

Distinct types of grooved stone mauls are so common in the northwest prairie states that they deserve a brief description.

South Dakota appears to be about the center of the area in which they are found. They are common in North Dakota and the southwest corner of Minnesota, the northwestern part of Iowa, Nebraska, and the eastern parts of Wyoming and Montana. Those found outside of the above area were probably exchange pieces traded with neighboring tribes. These stone mauls seem to be as common in the northwest prairie states as the grooved stone ax is in the woodland region southeastward. In the earlier days they were commonly used as door stops in the cabins of the pioneers; farmers fastened two together with rope or wire and used them as windbreaks on hay and grain stacks. Every private collection contains several, and nearly four hundred have accumulated in the University of South Dakota Museum without special effort to collect them.