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Nepal’s constitution-making process took several years and two constituent assemblies to achieve. It was the result of a series of crises and transformations, including a "People’s War" and mass mobilization in the southern part of the country. The iterated set of negotiations led eventually to the adoption of a new kind of federalism, desginated as "Proportionate Inclusive Federalism" to provide a new basis for the state going forward.
The process of drafting Tunisia’s post revolution constitution began in February 2012 and ended two years later in February 2014, when the final vote by the Constituent Assembly took place. The two year process was characterized by multiple crises and interruptions. Despite this extremely difficult and rocky post-revolutionary context, in which the counterrevolutionary forces sought to destabilize the country, Tunisians were able to overcome the crisis. However, despite characterizations of the outside observers about the success of the process, counterrevolutionaries ended up derailing the country’s democratic and popular gains. This chapter provides a blow-by-blow account of the process.
Recent scholarship on North African cities has done much to dispel earlier assumptions about late antique collapse and demonstrate significant continuity into the Byzantine and medieval periods. Yet urban changes did not affect North Africa evenly. Far less is known about the differing regional trajectories that shaped urban transformation and the extent to which pre-Roman and Roman micro-regions continued to share meaningful characteristics in subsequent periods. This article provides a preliminary exploration of regional change from the fourth to the eleventh century focused on a zone in the Central Medjerda Valley (Tunisia) containing the well-known sites of Bulla Regia and Chimtou. We place these towns in their wider historical and geographical setting and interrogate urban change by looking at investment in public buildings and spaces, religious buildings and housing, and ceramic networks. The process of comparison identifies new commonalities (and differences) between the sites of this stretch of the Medjerda River and provides a framework for understanding the many transformations of North African cities over the long late antiquity.
Recent transitional justice scholarship has explored the role of emotions during periods of political transition. Scholars have taken negative emotions as both legitimate responses to past crimes and as supports to the pursuit of justice in the present. This paper argues that feelings circulate across a wide array of individuals, things, and processes that often sit apart from the formal, judicial spaces of transitional justice. To make this argument, I consider the Tunisian campaign Manich Msamah (I Do Not Forgive) and its articulation of an affect of unforgiveness in resistance to the proposed Economic and Financial Reconciliation Law. Formed in 2015, the campaign came about in response to the law and efforts, under the pretext of “reconciliation,” to return to public life figures from the repressive regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali. Drawing on affect theory, I argue that unforgiveness was stuck to particular individuals (figures from the old regime and circulated between a community of unforgiving activists), things (public spaces, posters, T-shirts and the ephemera of protest) and processes (accountability and substantive forms of justice). I argue that an affect of unforgiveness thus aided activists not only in their resistance to state-led reconciliation but also helped imagine alternative paths to justice in Tunisia.
Gender disparities exist regarding prevalence, symptomatology and risk factors of mental disorders. In Tunisia, there is only one hospital dedicated entirely to mental health which is Razi hospital.
The aim of the present study was to assess gender based mental health disparities in a psychiatric department and its related factors.
A cross sectional and comparative survey was conducted between March and April 2021 in the department of psychiatry D of Razi Hospital including 70 patients with a sex ratio= 1.
The participants were aged between 17 and 68. Men had higher rate of celibacy: 80% of men against 48.57% of women (p=0.009). A total of 11.42% of women were illiterate against 2.85% of men, 48% of men were unemployed against 62.85% of women. There was a significant difference between gender and use of cigarettes, cannabis and alcohol (p<0.001). The diagnosis was mood disorders for 35.42% of women and 17.14% of men and schizophrenia for 57.14% of women and 77.14% of men. Gender and modality of hospitalization were significantly associated (p=0.046): 14% of women were involuntary hospitalized against 40% of men. Time between symptoms onset and consulting is 3.5 years (±5.67) for women and 1.77 (±4.75) for men. The mean number of admissions for women is 1.59 and for men 4.2 (p=0.009).
Onset of mental disorders for women is 3 to 4 years later than men. They have better premorbid functionning and better social networks.Gender disparities are not only determined biologically but also socially.
Recent studies in the word found an increase of substance use among medical students.
To determine the prevalence of substance use and associated factors among medical residents in Tunisia.
It was a descriptive and analytical cross-sectional study among medical residents from the 4 medical faculties of Tunisia. A questionnaire was created from Google Forms and was published on the social network Facebook. We asked about the current consumption of different psychoactive substances. We used the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) to identify depressive symptoms.
The sample included 241 residents. The female sex was predominant (83.4%, n = 201). The average age was 28.18 (± 2.13) years. Among these residents, 27.8% (n = 67) currently consume at least one psychoactive substance and 71% (n = 171) had depressive symptoms. The substances consumed by residents were: tobacco 18.7% (n = 45), alcohol 18.7% (n = 45), cannabis 6.2% (n = 15) , amphetamine 3.3% (n = 8), sleeping pills (without medical prescription) 2.9% (n = 7), hallucinogens 2.9% (n = 7), cocaine 2.1 % (n = 5) and inhaled solvents 0.4% (n = 1).
The use of at least one psychoactive substance was significantly associated with male sex (p = 0.01), the presence of financial problems (p = 0.08), lack of religiosity (p <0.001), feeling of life dissatisfaction (p = 0.01), uncertainty about life events (p = 0.05) and the presence of depression (p = 0.018).
Psychoactive substance use has become a growing problem among residents in Tunisia. The associated factors should attract attention to identify these subjects.
Cannabis is among the most widely used substances in the world. it is associated with several mental health problems.
To assess self-esteem among a group of young Tunisian users of cannabis.
The total study sample was composed of 137 participants, who took part of a transversal descriptive study during two months (January and February 2020).
In our study population, the cannabis consumers were young adults aged between 18 and 35 years old, with a male predominance of 71%. Among those users, 65.9% were single and 29.7% dropped out of school or experienced academic failure. On a socio-economic level, we concluded to a rate of 5.8% (lower class), 60.9% (middle class) and 33.3% (upper class). Besides, 40.8% were employed. In total, 23.2% had a psychiatric history. Furthermore, the use of other substances was also prominent and frequent as follows: alcohol 72.5%, tobacco 74.6%, ecstasy 41.3% and 25.4% cocaine. The use of cannabis was considered as a means of indulgence and pleasure for 66.7%, as an anxiolytic for 26.8% and as a sedative for 23.9%. Self-esteem, among those cannabis users, was very low in 20% of cases, low in 38% of cases, medium in 15% of cases and high in 25% of cases.
These results lead us to question the relation between cannabis and self-esteem. The question that is evolved about the use of cannabis is the following: Is it used as a remedy or is it the cause of self-esteem deficiency?
In Tunisia, the Ministry of Health launched an awareness campaign in television spots and different social media platforms and started the vaccination campaign on the 13 March 2021 aiming to have vaccinated half of the Tunisian population by the end of 2021. However, to date, on July 31, 2021, only 1,104,286 people are completely vaccinated
The aim of the study was to identify Tunisians’ mental perceptions and attitudes towards COVID-19 vaccines to examine the predictors of the COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in the Tunisian population.
A group of citizens, randomly selected were invited to participate in the study. Data were collected through a focus group using a piloted topic guide. The entire discussion was recorded in audio-visual mode with a total duration of 1 hour. We also collected data on participant gender, age, education, and profession.
Seven women and four men participated in the study All participants reported having doubts about the efficacy of the vaccines. Two participants reported that their acquaintances died after being vaccinated. They suspected that expired vaccines have caused the reported deaths. “I think these vaccines can be extremely dangerous. They could contain chemicals that are carcinogens or that have a castrating effect”, an interlocutor stated, supported by the rest of the group. We found unanimously in our study, attesting to the relevance of religion in the lives of the Tunisian people, which is in agreement with literature
Construction of multi-component and systematic interventions are required by public health authorities.
European researchers have observed that psychosis is 3 times more frequent in immigrants than in native-born subjects.
our study aims to determine the sociodemographic characteristics of immigrants hospitalized for first episode of psychosis (FEP)
it’s is a descriptive retrospective study. 21 files were recruited from the psychiatry department archive. Only files of immigrant patients hospitalized, during the period between 2016 to 2021, for FEP and with neither personal nor family medical history of psychosis were included in our study.
A total number of 11 patients was included in our study. The analyse of sociodemographic characteristics revealed that; 62.5% of patients were female. The average age was 31 years. About half of them were dark skinned (particularly African), 25% were divorced, and 75% having university level. The majority of cases, have had a clandestine access to Tunisia, and were either unemployed or doing cleaning tasks with a low economic level and frequent conflicts in their workplaces. The average period between entering Tunisia and the onset of symptoms was 11.375 months.
A comparative study on a larger sample would be beneficial in order to determine the risk factors for psychosis in immigrants and, consequently, leads to effective preventive measures.
Tunisia is viewed as an advanced country in terms of women’s rights in the Arab world. However, women are more exposed than men to many specific risk factors which greatly contribute to threaten their mental health.
The main objective of this study was to find out the sociodemographic and clinical profiles of women admitted in Razi psychiatric hospital and their access to mental health services.
A cross sectional and descriptive survey was conducted between March and April 2021 in the department of psychiatry D of Razi Hospital including 40 female inpatients.
The majority of patients had low (37.1%) to moderate (61.9%) socio economic status, with primary education (40%), secondary education (20%) and higher education (28.6%). The majority was unemployed (68.8%). A significant difference was observed between adherence to treatment and family support (p=0.04). It was mainly the father or the husband who was taking care of the patient in 50% of cases. The first psychiatric consultation was 2.68 years after having symptoms. Hospitalization was about 4.94 years later. Twenty five percent of them have seen a tradipractioner before consulting. About 46.87% of patients had conflicts with a member of her family and 15.62% of them were victims of either domestic or family violence. The main diagnoses were mood disorders (31.4%) and schizophrenia (42.9%) Time between symptoms onset and hospitalisation was significantly associated with socioeconomic status (p=0.047) and cultural beliefs (p=0.026).
The protection of women’s mental health is not only a medical challenge but also a cultural and political one.
There is now compelling evidence that migrant groups in several countries have an elevated risk of developing psychotic disorders.
To identify risk factors for psychosis in immigrant population.
case report and Computerised literature search of MEDLINE and PUBMED and PsycINFO databases was performed using the keywords: immigration, psychosis, schizophrenia.
Mrs AM is 22 years old, Ivorian, without any personal or family psychiatric history, married and mother of an 11 months old baby.
Because of the poor socio-economic conditions, she immigrated illegally to tunisia 3 months ago, accompanied by her husband, leaving her child in her native country. since then, she has been working in cleaning jobs with very low salaries and several conflicts in the workplace, which pushed AMto leave the job. One month before her admission, according to her husband, she became isolated, distrustful, she often watches herself in the mirror, refuses to take a shower, with some bizarre behaviors and persecutory words, then she became aggressive with her husband andneighbors, hence her admission.
The interview revealed a dissociative and delusional syndrome, vague and poorly systematized, with hallucinatory and intuitive mechanisms. In view of the subsequent evolution, the diagnosis of schizophrenia was retained. After stabilization under antipsychotic drugs, the patient asked to be repatriated to join her child.
The evidence is still thin, and there is a clear need for further research to replicate and extend findings linking specific aspects of the social environment and risk of psychosis in migrant groups.
Facebook use among Teenagers has become a very common phenomenon. Its use can resuly in Facebook addiction .
To estimate the prevalence of problematic Facebook use among a sample of school-going adolescents.
This is a cross-sectional and descriptive study carried out among 110 school-going adolescenthe at 2 state colleges in Sidi Bouzid. We used a pre-established self-questionnaire containing 2 parts: a part exploring the socio-demographic data of the adolescent and a psychometric part: Bergen Facebook addiction Scale.
Study participants had a mean age of 14.4 years with extremes of 12 to 17 years. The sex ratio (M / F) (46/64) of the participants was 0.71.In our population, 13 students (11.8%) were smokers. Two students (1.8%) consumed alcohol. Cannabis use was noted in only one student.The majority of students (102), or 92.7%, had been online for more than a year.The daily Facebook connection time was more than 4 hours for 20.9%. Boredom was the number one reason for logging into Facebook for 82 students (74.5%) followed by curiosity for 45 students (40.9%). Fifteen students (13.6%) were addicted to Facebook (score> 10 on the Bergen Addiction Scale.
Facebook can be a useful and interesting tool to maintain and develop a network of relationships and create new ones. Its problematic use or addiction to Facebook has become a new scourge of public health. Faced with the negative impact of this addiction, It would be necessary to rationalize this use.
Chapter 3 lays out the book’s research strategy for testing its theory. Since talking to citizens directly is the best way to see how foreign actors influence perceptions of election credibility, Bush and Prather rely heavily on evidence from nationally representative surveys that were conducted for this project, although they also rely on other forms of qualitative and quantitative evidence. In total, they conducted ten large-scale surveys across elections in three countries at different levels of democracy. Specifically, Bush and Prather studied citizens’ perceptions of the 2014 parliamentary and presidential elections in Tunisia (a transitional democracy), the 2016, 2018, and 2020 general elections in the United States (a consolidated democracy), and the 2018 first-round and second-round presidential elections in Georgia (a partial democracy). This chapter describes the book’s survey methodology, including its approach to embedding experimental vignettes designed to identify the effects of foreign actors, discusses case selection, and provides background information on each of the cases.
Bush and Prather turn to election meddling in Chapter 5. Similar to Chapter 4 for monitors, the chapter begins with descriptive information about election meddling and its prevalence, as well as showing substantial public concern about it globally. The authors further demonstrate that across all three countries in our study, individuals who believed foreign actors had a negative influence on elections had lower levels of electoral trust in their elections. But the book’s experiments again offer only limited support for the conventional wisdom. The treatments priming individuals about election meddling either had no effect on perceptions of election credibility or only had an effect when the experiments were able to reassure people that meddling had not occurred. In summary, Chapters 4 and 5 do not offer a great deal of support for the conventional wisdom. But the authors show in Chapters 6 and 7 that these analyses of the overall effects of foreign interventions mask considerable variation.
In Chapter 4, Bush and Prather begin testing the theory with respect to election monitoring. After discussing the ecology of international election monitors and showing general public acceptance of them, they find limited support for the hypotheses about average effects of monitors. In none of the book’s cases did information simply about the presence of international monitors increase trust in elections. Bush and Prather find more support for the conventional wisdom about the effects of monitors’ reports, as positive reports increased trust relative to negative reports in Tunisia and the United States. The substantive effect was fairly modest, however, and they do not find evidence that monitors’ reports had the same effect in Georgia.
DNA barcoding based on the cytochrome c oxidase subunit I (COI) gene in mitochondrial DNA has been adopted as a global biological identification system for animals due to its accuracy compared with other classical taxonomic methods. The objective of this study was to establish a reference library with generated barcodes. A total of 84 fish specimens belonging to 37 commercially important marine fish species, representing five orders, 14 families and 30 genera, were sampled along the Tunisian coast and barcoded for the first time, obtaining 637 bp sequences. The average Kimura 2-parameter (K2P) distances within species, genera and families were 0.52, 6.86 and 14.60%, respectively. The Maximum likelihood (ML) tree revealed distinct clusters in concurrence with the taxonomic status of the species. Our results confirmed the authentication of the barcode approach for the identification of the species examined and provide valuable information that would help ichthyologists to achieve better monitoring, conservation and management of fisheries in Tunisia.
Using the concept of a revolutionary situation as a turning point in which previously accepted social structures and relations are in flux, this chapter demonstrates the profoundly revolutionary nature of the 2011 Arab uprisings. Tracing the history of the revolutionary situations in each case – Tunisia, Egypt, Syria, Bahrain, Libya and Yemen – the chapter demonstrates how mass uprisings of historically remarkable size and breadth established new forms and sites of sovereignty and challenged existing social relations. These included mass, class-based revolts rooted in dissatisfaction with decades of neoliberal economic policy in the region, and the rejection of hierarchies of gender and sect. These revolutionary situations often produced a new sense of expanded and collective selfhood, which would then require counter-revolutionary violence to be eradicated. This chapter, thus, outlines the revolutionary situations that post-2011 counter-revolutionaries sought to end.
This chapter focuses on Egypt and Tunisia, as the two states experienced political revolutions after 2011. In Egypt, the brief political revolution was overturned by the counter-revolution of 2013, while in Tunisia an unsteady democratic transition was achieved at the cost of the social demands of the uprising. Using the framework of counter-revolution from above, below, and without, the chapter demonstrates how counter-revolutionaries in both states were able to rely on the inheritance of previous anti-colonial revolutions from above to build a base of support – one aided by the record of Islamist parties once in power. The greater independence of the organised working class in Tunisia hampered a more fully counter-revolutionary outcome: while the external influence of the EU was concerned with fostering political revolution against social revolution. In Egypt, by contrast, the military as the core of the state was supported by a coalition of Gulf states already financially well-embedded in the country’s ruling class and pursuing a policy of outright counter-revolution.
Tunisia, where the Arab Spring uprising started, became the only country in the Middle East and North Africa to transition to democracy. This chapter explains why Tunisia’s pathway to democratization was successful by focusing on its constitutional reform process. First, the chapter shows that in order for new constitutions to facilitate democratic transitions, both participation and inclusion in the process are necessary. Using empirical evidence from a statistical content analysis of the public input and constitutional drafts, as well as interviews from Tunisia, Chapter 3 shows the inclusive and participatory process significantly improved the democratic quality of the Tunisian Constitution, yielding a successful transition to democracy. Next, this chapter explains the role of civil society in facilitating the constitutional consensus and the broader transition. Civil society organizations in Tunisia could play this decisive role by fulfilling three core functions. First, they acted as a third-party arbiter of constitutional and political disputes among different groups. Second, different civil society organizations acted as watchdogs, ensuring the integrity and transparency of the process. Third, they created a public sphere for constitutional debates by offering an inclusive venue for citizens to engage in the constitution-making process.
Constitutional bargains are seen as cornerstones of democratic transitions in much of the world. Yet very few studies have theorized about the link between constitution-making and democratization. Shifting the focus on democratization away from autocratic regime break down, this book considers the importance of inclusive constitution-building for democratization. In this pathbreaking volume, Tofigh Maboudi draws on a decade of research on the Arab Spring to explain when and how constitutional bargains facilitate (or hinder) democratization. Here, he argues that constitutional negotiations have a higher prospect of success in establishing democracy if they resolve societal, ideological, and political ills. Emphasizing the importance of constitution-making processes, Maboudi shows that constitutions can resolve these problems best through participatory and inclusive processes. Above all, The 'Fall' of the Arab Spring demonstrates that civil society is the all-important link that connects constitutional bargaining processes to democratization.